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This study investigates the question of why democracies are more likely to win wars than non-democracies. I argue that due to the transparency of the polities, and the stability of their preferences, once determined, democracies are better able to cooperate with their partners in the conduct of wars, and thereby are more likely to win wars. In support of my argument, the main findings in this study show that, other things being equal, the larger the number of democratic partners a state has, the more likely it is to win; moreover, democratic states are more likely to have democratic partners during wars. These results are in contrast with those in current literature about the high likelihood of prevailing by democracies in wars, which emphasize, on the one hand, the superior capacity of democratic states to strengthen military capabilities and, on the other hand, to select wars in which they have a high chance of winning. 相似文献
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Franklin Steves 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2003,16(1):119-133
The 1998-2000 war between Ethiopia and Eritrea seems to defy rationalist explanations. This paper contends that the escalation of the war, from an isolated border clash to the largest conventional war of the past decade, has its roots in the domestic politics of each of the two states. Quasi-democratisation in both countries created environments in which political elites were able to bolster their popular legitimacy by utilising nationalist and aggressive foreign policy rhetoric. The Eritrean leadership believed that a rapid escalation of the border clash to full-scale war would undermine domestic popular support and topple the Ethiopian People's Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime. War escalation had the opposite effect, strengthening the EPRDF domestically and provoking a massive Ethiopian retaliation. War thus served nation- and state-building goals in both countries. This paper provides a theory of the domestic political roots of international conflict in transitional regimes and applies this theory to explain the escalation of a localised border conflict into a highly destructive, full-scale war. 相似文献
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):164-181
Previous research has indicated that democracy decreases the risk of armed conflict, while increasing the likelihood of terrorist attacks, but we know little about the effect of democracy on violence against civilians in ongoing civil conflicts. This study seeks to fill this empirical gap in the research on democracy and political violence, by examining all rebel groups involved in an armed conflict 1989–2004. Using different measures of democracy, the results demonstrate that rebels target more civilians when facing a democratic (or semi-democratic) government. Democracies are perceived as particularly vulnerable to attacks on the population, since civilians can hold the government accountable for failures to provide security, and this provides incentives for rebels to target civilians. At the same time, the openness of democratic societies provides opportunities for carrying out violent attacks. Thus, the strength of democracy—its accountability and openness—can become an Achilles heel during an internal armed conflict. 相似文献
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Mark Moyar Author Vitae 《Orbis》2009,53(4):591-610
The perceived history of the Vietnam War profoundly influenced American discussions on grand strategy during the postwar period. The two largest schools of thought, one favoring confrontation with the Soviet Union and the other favoring engagement, drew lessons from the war based upon differing historical interpretations and used those lessons as support beams in constructing grand strategy. Compelling world events during the Carter presidency caused only a few individuals to shift positions in the debate, but one of those individuals was Jimmy Carter himself. Subsequent discoveries by historians indicate that the confrontation school understood the war's history and the postwar world better than did the engagement school and consequently crafted a superior grand strategy. The post-Vietnam debate contains numerous parallels to present-day discussions of grand strategy and offers a variety of lessons salient to contemporary strategic formulation. 相似文献
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伊拉克战争的结局,正在对中东和欧亚大陆战略接合部地带产生深刻影响。作为伊邻国和地区强国的土耳其,无法置身其外。由于土在伊战中未能完全配合美,对土美关系带来一定影响,土外交上面临一些难题。但土仍拥有独特的地缘战略优势,加之政府及时采取应变对策,调整政策与策略,因而在外交上较为妥善地应对了地区变局,取得一定绩效。 相似文献
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20 0 3年3月1 8日美国对伊拉克战争正式打响,不到一个月,萨达姆政权就倒台了,伊拉克政权的变更比人们预想的要快得多,但伊拉克战后经济基础设施的重建,却比人们预想的要缓慢、复杂和困难得多。国际商人在争先恐后地涌向伊拉克,在伊拉克各地,尤其是首都巴格达,来自世界各国的航空货运代理人员渐增,其首要任务是在巴格达和伊拉克各地为自己的贸易公司与合伙人建立航空货运办事处、联络点,忙着与伊拉克贸易公司和批发商签订贸易代理协议。已抵达伊拉克和迅速开展商业活动的航空货运代理们希望在伊拉克的航空货运上发一笔大财。据悉,伊拉克有相… 相似文献
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冷战结束后,俄罗斯与东盟的关系在政治、经济、安全等各方面都得到了较快的发展,这种发展态势是伴随俄罗斯外交政策的转变和东亚区域合作的兴起,以及国际、国内、双边一系列有利因素推动下形成的。但双边关系仍面临种种困难与挑战。以俄罗斯目前总体实力,在短期内还难以打破中美日在东南亚的力量平衡状态。 相似文献
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冷战结束后,世界秩序发生重大变化。新的世界大战打不起来,但是,局部战争和地区冲突持续不断,国际恐怖主义成为新的安全威胁,美国的新干涉主义政策成为新的战争形式。两大意识形态对抗支配国际关系的时代已经结束,国家利益重新置于外交政策的首要地位。经济全球化加深了国际相互依存关系,扩大了寻求共同利益和国际合作的基础,也加剧了国际竞争和冲突。世界格局多极化是历史发展的大趋势,在多极均衡基础上构建世界新秩序是现实的选择。 相似文献
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Benjamin Martill 《安全研究》2019,28(1):116-158
Cold War strategy in Western Europe almost exclusively followed the US policy of containment. Conventional explanations for this continuity, however, fail to account for both the strategic rationale and the scale of domestic support behind attempts to disengage from the Cold War. This article seeks to explain why containment won out over disengagement in European strategy. By highlighting the underlying liberal tenets of containment, it argues this victory owed more to the advantages afforded the political center by the political institutions of Western Europe than to the logic of containment strategy itself. The occupation of the center-ground by advocates of containment afforded them distinct institutional advantages, including an increased likelihood of representation in government, greater bargaining strength relative to other parties, and limited sources of viable opposition. The dependence of containment strategy on centrist strength is demonstrated through a discussion of the politics of strategy in the French Fourth Republic. 相似文献
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This paper empirically investigates the economic and political factors that affect a country??s likelihood to sign an arrangement with the IMF and the determinants of the financial size of such a program. Arguably the world and the global financial architecture underwent structural changes after the ending of Cold War and so did the role of the IMF. Hence, we update and extend the work of Sturm et al. (Economics and Politics 17: 177?C213, 2005) by employing a panel model for 165 countries that focuses on the post-Cold War era, i.e., 1990?C2009. Our results, based on extreme bounds analysis, suggest that some economic and political variables are robustly related to these two dimensions of IMF program decisions. Furthermore, we show that it is important to distinguish between concessional and non-concessional IMF loans. 相似文献
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10月 11日至 12日 ,中国社会科学院科研局和西亚非洲研究所联合承办了该院第六届国际问题论坛。中国社会科学院副院长陈佳贵、外交部前副部长杨福昌、外交部西亚北非司前司长安惠侯出席了本届论坛。出席这次论坛的还有 :中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所、世界经济与政治研究所、世界宗教研究所、中国国际问题研究所、中国现代国际关系研究院、北京大学、总参谋部外交学院、对外经济贸易大学、上海社会科学院、云南大学、上海外国语大学、环球时报、世界知识出版社等单位的专家、学者和新闻工作者 4 0余人。中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所所长杨… 相似文献
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试论冷战后土耳其的欧盟政策 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
土耳其地跨亚欧两洲,大部分领土在亚洲境内。但由于历史特别是其国家利益取向等原因,它一直把自己看成欧洲国家。冷战结束后,加入欧盟是土耳其国家外交与安全政策的首要目标。 2004年10月6日,欧盟委员会建议欧盟开始与土耳其展开有关土耳其加入欧盟事宜的谈判,这是土耳其寻求加入欧盟道路上一个重要的里程碑。虽然双方 相似文献
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韩国是东亚地区的军事强国 ,冷战后每年都要进口大量武器。朝鲜半岛局势的复杂多变 ,以及应付周边多元潜在威胁 ,韩国自身经济实力的强大 ,使韩国的国防战略由依赖型向自主型转变 ,加剧了其武器进口的步伐。韩国军火进口增速快 ,规模大 ,多元化 ,尽可能利用进口实现武器国产化。韩国的军火出口着眼于经济利益 ,物美价廉 ,信誉度高 ,武器的转售在韩国的军火出口中占有一定的比例。 相似文献
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强制外交与威慑一样,主要依靠武力的潜在运用或者说主要通过威胁使用武力,以达成国家的对外政策目标.强制外交是冷战结束后一个引人注目的国际政治现象,该术语也是当前西方国际关系和战略文献中出现频率很高的重要术语之一.本文在剖析西方强制外交理论的基础上,重点研究冷战后美国所实施的两个典型的强制外交案例,着力阐释当代美国强制外交成功或失败的原因,并扼要进行一些评析. 相似文献
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美英以绝对军事优势很快打赢了伊拉克战争,但因出师无名而输掉了道义。这场战争的影响深远:引发了美欧之间的深层次矛盾;传统的国际关系准则受到较严重的冲击。伊拉克正在成为“新帝国”政策的试验场。但美国的愿望很难如愿以偿,伊拉克将有可能成为其长期陷入的新“泥潭”。 相似文献
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冷战后驻韩美军调整评述 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
驻韩美军是美韩安全关系极为重要的组成部分和历史见证。 2 0 0 2年 1 0月朝核危机以来的驻韩美军重新部署既是朝鲜战争以来历次调整的继续 ,更是对过去的超越 ;既是冷战后美国新军事战略的体现 ,又是当前朝核危机的产物。这一调整必将对目前朝核危机的最终解决以及东北亚地区脆弱的安全均势造成深远的影响。 相似文献