师范高校毕业生就业现状及影响因素分析

随着经济的高速发展,社会对教育的要求和发展也随之发生变化,加之师范高校毕业生人数不断增加,就业形势越来越严峻,用人单位也越来越苛刻。通过对师范高校毕业生就业现状及影响因素的分析,掌握师范高校毕业生的就业规律,使得毕业生更好地做好就业准备,促进就业。     

地方高校毕业生就业能力提升研究

地方高校毕业生是我国高校毕业生的重要组成部分,地方高校毕业生就业能力的高低直接影响到高校毕业生的就业形势。引导地方高校通过设置特色专业、专业能力培养等方式提升毕业生就业能力,这是提升地方高校毕业生就业质量的重要方式,也是地方高校教学改革的重要课题。     

浅析和谐社会视域下的高校本科毕业生就业问题

随着我国高等教育大众化,高校毕业生人数剧增,使我国高校毕业生面临着前所未有的就业困难,就业形势不容乐观。而各大高校的扩招和中国就业政策及就业制度不断发生变化,使我国高校毕业生就业困难、待业时间过长等问题逐渐突显,这就影响到当前我国社会主义和谐社会的构建。主要分析了当前高校毕业生的就业形势,以及从国家、政府和学生自身三个方面提出了解决就业难的基本对策,扩大就业、促进再就业,从而实现高校本科毕业生充分和谐的就业局面。     

西方发达国家高校毕业生就业中的政府作为相似性分析

西方发达国家高校毕业生就业机制形成较早,也较完善。在高校毕业生就业机制运行过程中,政府发挥了积极的推动作用。当前,我国高校毕业生就业形势日渐严峻,就业压力日益加大。必须大胆学习借鉴西方发达国家的先进经验,强化政府的服务意识和监管职能,建立健全高校毕业生就业的法律法规体系和服务保障体系,努力实现高校毕业生就业的市场化、社会化和法治化。     

关于进一步加强天津市高校毕业生就业工作的建议

近年来,随着高校招生及毕业生人数的大幅增加,就业压力加大,尤其受到国际金融危机的影响,就业形势更趋严峻。中共天津市委、市政府对高校毕业生就业问题高度重视,制定了《天津市促进高校毕业生就业的意见》,并在＂保增长、渡难关、上水平＂     

关于促进我市大学生创业问题的几点思考

近年来,随着高校扩招数量的迅猛增加,大学毕业生就业形势更加严峻。2011年全国高校毕业生人数达到660万人,＂十二五＂时期应届毕业生年平均规模将达到近700万人。我市2011年高校毕业生近13万人,加上去年未就业的大学生,就业人数将达到15万人。当前国际金融危机对我国实体经济的影响并未完全消退,     

关于提高大学毕业生就业心理素质的思考

良好的心理素质对于大学毕业生顺利就业有着至关重要的作用。近年来,大学毕业生在毕业生就业制度改革、高校连续扩招等问题上形成了一定的心理压力,接踵而来的全球性经济危机又给大学毕业生心理压力带来了更多的不利因素。大学毕业生面对严峻的就业形势,提高就业心理素质迫在眉睫。本文从大学生的心理素质现状、大学毕业生应该从多方面具备良好心理素质、对于提高大学毕业生就业心理素质的几点建议等方面分析讨论了大学毕业生心理素质方面存在的一些问题,对提高他们的心理素质提出了一些建议。     

铺平大学毕业生的就业之路——民进吉林省委会重点调研课题回眸

创纪录的699万高校毕业生今年夏天走向就业市场,加上往年未能成功就业的求职者,今年的就业形势被称为史上"最难就业季"。根据知名社会调查机构麦可思研究院的跟踪调查,受宏观经济形势影响,企业用人规模缩减,2013届毕业生求职难度增加。解决好大学生的就业问题,不仅关系到千家万户的切身利益,更关系到国家的经济建设和社会稳定,关系到社会主义和谐社会的构建。     

高职院校毕业生非正规就业对策探析

在中国经济进入"新常态"的形势下,传统的正规就业岗位已经无法满足大学生(尤其职业院校毕业生)的就业需求,非正规就业以其就业形式灵活多样和低成本等特点成为缓解当前大学生就业压力的重要途径,但由于体制因素、高校人才培养以及大学生就业观念等方面还存在一些问题,需要政府、高校、学生的共同努力。     

高校共青团提升大学生就业创业策略研究

近年来,高校毕业生的数量不断攀升,无形中增加了高校毕业生的就业压力,促进高校毕业生就业已经成为国家的民生工程。基于严峻的就业形势,国家提出了扩大就业这一发展方针和战略,鼓励大学生创业就业。共青团是高校基层的团组织,促进大学生就业创业的策略如下:注重引导大学生转变自身就业理念;拓宽大学生就业和创业服务的渠道;注重强化学生就业和创业意识。     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

The persecution of German Romanies: the case of Osnabrück, 1933–46

Studies of racial persecution in Germany, particularly during the Nazi period, now appear on almost a daily basis, so that every victimized minority has received attention. Antisemitism remains the main focus of research but the Romanies have now begun to attract scholars. While historians have studied Jews in virtually every location and over short time periods, they have tended to examine the situation of the Romanies at the national level using a longer time frame, recognizing the continuities of racial persecution that link the Nazi years with the rest of the twentieth century. Panayi brings out these longer-term patterns by focusing on the case of Osnabrück. He begins with an account of the historiography of Romanies at both the local and national level, and contrasts this with the general attention that German history of the first half of the twentieth century, especially the Third Reich, has received. The narrative then moves on to use the limited information available on the Osnabrück Romanies to carry out a detailed examination of the realities of their everyday life and the attitudes of the authorities towards them in the town between 1933 and 1946. Panayi’s study falls into the German social history approach of Alltagsgeschichte, which uses the specific to draw out the realities of the general national picture.     

How the Bush and Gore Campaigns Conceptualized and Used the Internet in 2000

Abstract

Political scientists and campaign professionals have been intrigued by the potential of the Internet as a tool for accessing and conveying political information since the mass marketing of the first Web browser in 1993. Optimists have pointed to the possibility for more expansive participation and more substantive, in-depth issue discussions. Pessimists have countered that universal access to the Internet is still years down the road, pointing out there is little reason to believe campaigns will use the Internet either to spice up or to elevate the national political conversation. Such long-term assessments are premature, but we can offer preliminary assessments of how candidates conceptualize and use the Internet. Relying on surveys of online registered voters and interviews with campaign operatives and Webmasters, I examine how the online electorate was perceived and approached by the Bush and Gore campaigns in 2000.1 find that (1) voters were unlikely to seek political information from candidate or party Web sites, (2) voters were skeptical of information presented on these sites, and (3) the campaigns understood this and therefore saw the Internet primarily as a vehicle for internal communication and grassroots activation.     

This other and other others

This paper offers an alternative understanding of the relationship between feminist ethics, time and otherness. Rather than suggesting a feminist ethics should simply be for ‘the other’, or that feminist ethics is always futural (dedicated to that which is not yet), the paper suggests that ethics involves responding to the particular other in a present that carries traces of the past, as well as opening up the future. It is through responding to particular others (where particularity is not understood as a characteristic of another, but as a mode of encounter) that we face and face up to ‘other others’. The relationship between ‘this other’ and ‘other others’ suggests an intimacy between the particular and the collective, between the face-to-face of an encounter and political economies, and between feminist ethics and politics. Indeed, the paper concludes by suggesting that the ethical and political imperatives of feminism are aligned precisely given that collectivity is an effect of the work that has to be done to get closer to this other and, with her, other others. This other and other others collect together in the making of a feminist ‘we’. Such a ‘we’ can be embraced only through a willingness to struggle with and for others who are faced in the present (a facing that is indebted to a past that cannot be left behind), and an openness to the future, as the promise and hope of what we might yet become.     

Recent interpretations of ideology

The ‘emergence’ of the ‘market’ as the basis of economic and political decision-making has become a main focus of debate within the social sciences since the late 1970s. Even while those opposing the growing centrality of neo-classical economics and market-oriented political discourses remain a significant academic constituency, within their ranks there has been a growing realization that regulatory mechanisms, and in particular the role of the state, have nevertheless been the subject of extensive changes. Alternative schools of thought have argued in terms of the way in which such mechanisms have been refashioned. Regulation has become, in the words of Regini and Majone, ‘transferred’ and the ‘boundaries’ between regulator and regulated ‘changed’: the regulatory process has been seen to shift at the macro/national level and at the micro/enterprise level. While supporting the general argument that it is the boundaries of regulation which are to be discussed, not its presence, we shall nevertheless argue that these changes are, if anything, more contentious and that a set of ironies emerges which politicize regulation even further.