The Condition of the Ottoman Mine Labour and Its Impact on the Republican Period

In the Ottoman state, mining was important for the conduct of war, mints, public works, crafts industry, and financing the centralized administration system. In the republican period, mines were also important in the state's industrialization project, and they were used to subsidize the developing industries through provision of low-cost raw materials. These policies of the Ottoman and Turkish states had serious consequences for mine labour. Analysis of the Ottoman mining industry in the classical and post-classical periods, and also during the Turkish Republican period, highlights a range of emerging patterns. These include the strict control of the production by the state, the common practice of subcontracting, the role of foreign capital in the history of mining, the village-based division of labour around the mines, the use of peasant cultivator miners, the exploitation of unfree labour, the lack of investment, and traditional labour-intensive working conditions. The concept of ‘development and persistence’ is invaluable in explaining the longevity and extent of these practices stemming from historical circumstances, and we can see the persistence of some of these practices during the Republican period, despite the changes in the political regime and economic development. Throughout, the miners have been in a vulnerable position in relation to the state, exacerbated by their ambiguous peasant-miner position as wage labourers.     

Progress and challenges of consolidating the African state: “consolidation indicators” and the African Charter on Democracy,Elections and Governance

Since independence, there have been some improvements in political development in African states in respect to the prevalence of democracy, recognition of the rule of law, reduction in unconstitutional changes of governments, regular, transparent, free and fair elections, and a conducive environment for doing business. This article proposes a range of “consolidating indicators” that can be used to measure the consolidation of the African State in light of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG). Consolidation indicators examined include the level of internal integration/disintegration of the state, the degree and nature of peace, the nature of democracy and elections and of governance systems, levels of capacity, the social fabric of the state as well as issues concerning women and youth. The use of consolidation indicators is a new effort to address issues of contingency and preventive planning, with the aim of having more peaceful and progressive African states. Characterising African states, based on various consolidation indicators, is an important and relevant endeavour, especially because the concept of the “consolidation of the African State” is under-researched, with a paucity of a clear assessment. The discussion highlights the importance of the ACDEG and notes the increasing recognition by African states of the importance of democratic values and practices to the continent. Understanding the progress and challenges of consolidating the African State will help policy makers to strengthen the implementation of ACDEG, in pushing African states towards realising the African Union (AU) Africa Agenda 2063. This article takes an Afrocentric approach by discussing the positive role of regional and continental institutions in promoting and strengthening democracy and governance in Africa.     

中国特色的开放之路——对外开放经验总结和新时代开放的战略思考

改革开放40多年来,我国坚持对外开放基本国策毫不动摇,坚持独立自主地扩大开放,坚持共产党人推动开放的担当和初心,坚持开放与改革的良性互动,坚持试点渐进的开放路径,坚持紧紧抓住经济全球化机遇,坚持与自身能力相匹配的国际参与,坚持辩证统一、中道和合的思想方法,成功走出了一条有中国特色的开放之路。新时代推动新一轮高水平对外开放征程中,我国应理性把握发展中国家的定位、市场经济的定位和中美关系的定位。未来30年,为建设民族复兴路上的开放强国,我们应重点推进经贸强国战略和跨国公司战略,深入把握聚焦中高端竞争的开放、创新力驱动的开放、比较优势升级的开放、汇聚全球人才的开放、中国带动世界的开放和经济人文互补共进的开放等六个全方位、高水平对外开放新特征。     

疫情大考中党员干部能力的价值与提升路径研究

疫情大考,突出表现为对党员干部能力的大考。党员干部能力如何,直接影响到党组织的组织力、领导力、决策力、凝聚力、战斗力,直接关系到能否切实肩负起领导责任去打好、打赢这场疫情防控的人民战争、总体战、阻击战。疫情大考是对党员干部能力的综合性大考,从组织领导力、决策判断力、精神凝聚力、法治规范力、人文感染力等主要方面,充分显示党员干部能力的重大价值。必须正视党员干部能力存在的突出问题,如组织领导力失职问题,决策判断力失误问题,精神凝聚力失落问题,法治规范力失范问题,人文感染力失色问题。要在强化马克思主义权力观中提升党员干部能力,在学习型、服务型、创新型、法治型党组织建设中提升党员干部能力,在推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化中提升党员干部能力,在构建智慧社会、智慧城市、智慧社区中提升党员干部能力,在加强文化软实力建设中提升党员干部能力。     

日本研究开发投资现状与存在问题及启示

本文研究发现，在“科技立国”政策背景下，日本研发投资居发达国家首位，但全要素生产率增长率有所下降。其根本的原因是日本研发投资成果没有得到有效利用，最终造成研发投资成果质量水平较低、专利市场的占有率有下降趋势、高科技产业附加价值收益、国际市场份额及贸易收支比下降等问题。应采取强化基础研究、充实对服务业的研究开发、发挥大学和政府的作用、推进企业、大学及政府协作、强化国际合作、确立和保护知识产权和强化知识管理等措施才有可能改变其被动局面。     

澳门特区行政授权制度改革探讨

行政授权制度在澳门由来已久,其承袭自澳葡政府,而来源于葡萄牙行政制度。澳门特区的行政授权制度内容包括授权原则及条件、授权主体及资格、授权内容及程序等方面。虽然行政授权制度有利于行政主导制的实施以及政府权力的集中统一与平稳运作,却也导致权力的集中化与人格化、行政程序缓慢以及官员问责困难等问题。而行政授权制度的改革需要确立以法定职权取代授权的原则,并制定统一法律规范司、局级机构据位人管理性权力,重整现有授权法律制度,从而形成统一的行政权力配置法律制度。     

习近平关于风险防范重要论述的基本内涵及时代特征

习近平关于风险防范的重要论述是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要组成部分,是对当前国际国内风险动荡源和风险点日益增多的敏锐观察和理论创新。这一重要论述具有丰富的基本内涵,主要包括“居安思危”的风险意识观、“具有先手”的风险准备观、“守土尽责”的风险责任观、“驾驭风险”的风险本领观、“敢于斗争”的风险意志观、“健全机制”的风险实践观。这些基本内涵具有实事求是的理论品格、强烈的问题导向、辩证的底线思维、高瞻远瞩和统揽全局的战略思维等鲜明时代特征。新时代背景下,我们党要主动践行习近平关于风险防范重要论述的相关内容,把马克思主义作为看家本领,全面提升防范风险能力,汇聚广大民众磅礴之力,补齐风险防范“短板”,建立健全体制机制,发挥制度威力,为打赢重大风险防范攻坚战、全面建成小康社会,推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化保驾护航。     

下诺夫哥罗德州政治状况与地区发展前景

下诺夫哥罗德州一度是俄罗斯改革的前沿阵地和代名词,在俄罗斯的政治经济版图中有着特殊的地位。目前,该州是伏尔加河沿岸联邦区的行政中心,其政治经济进程值得关注。从联邦中央与地方的关系来看,莫斯科成功地规范着下诺夫哥罗德州的政治进程,地方政府依赖中央的政治和财政支持。从下诺夫哥罗德州内部的政治发展来看,历任州长面临的都是大致类似的复杂局面:联邦中央、总统派驻伏尔加河沿岸联邦区全权代表、地方政治经济精英、联邦层面的大型企业、地方层面的商业利益,等等诸多方面的相互影响与竞争。由此,州长在联邦层面的工作经历和影响力,在地区层面的协调手段和整合力,即,同时得到中央和地方的支持和认可,并在中央与地方同时具有关键影响力,是地方政治经济良性发展的重要保障。下诺夫哥罗德新任州长格列布·尼基京,年富力强,是俄罗斯新生代州长的代表,也大致具有上述品质,其在下诺夫哥罗德州的执政状况,值得关注。     

The disciplinary,interdisciplinary and global dimensions of African studies

Abstract

In discussing African studies or any other field, it is important to note that the economies and cultures of knowledge production are an integral part of complex and sometimes contradictory, but always changing, institutional, intellectual and ideological processes and practices that occur, simultaneously, at national and transnational, or local and global levels. From their inception, universities have always been, or aspired to be, universalistic and universalising institutions. This is not the place to examine the changes and challenges facing universities in Africa and elsewhere, a subject dealt with at length in African universities in the twenty‐first century (Zeleza and Olokoshi 2004). It is simply to point out that African studies ‐ the production of African(ist) knowledges ‐ has concrete and conceptual, and material and moral contexts, which create the variations that are so evident across the world and across disciplines.This article is divided into four parts. First, it explores the changing disciplinary and interdisciplinary architecture of knowledge in general. Second, it examines the disciplinary encounters of African studies in the major social science and humanities disciplines, from anthropology, sociology, literature, linguistics and philosophy, to history, political science, economics geography and psychology. It focuses on the interdisciplinary challenges of the field in which the engagements of African studies with interdisciplinary programmes such as women's and gender studies, public health studies, art studies, and communication studies, and with interdisciplinary paradigms including cultural studies and postcolonial studies are probed. Finally, this article looks at the focus on the study of Africa in international studies, that is, the state of African studies as seen through the paradigms of globalisation and in different global regions, principally Europe (Britain, France, Germany, Scandinavia and Russia), the Americas (the United States of America (US), the Caribbean and Brazil), and Asia‐Pacific (India, Australia, China and Japan). Space does not allow for a more systematic analysis of African studies within Africa itself, a subject implied in the observations in the article, but which deserves an extended treatment in its own right.     

Memoria y democracia. Una relación incierta

This paper begins with a series of findings on the increasing focus on the memories of the recent past, particularly in societies that have undergone periods of political violence, dictatorships and civil wars. In analysing the moment of installation of the institutional, territorial and symbolic marks (understood as expressions produced by various actors and state policies and social movements that respond to the demands of these social actors), one can see how memories of the recent past, suffering and political violence act as stimuli for countless rituals, cultural productions, and a search for interpretations and explanations. This paper seeks to question some of the basic assumptions and basic innuendos implicit in the “duty of memory”: an exploration of the relationship between memory and justice, between memory and democracy, and between preservation-preservation and transmission. By analysing these relationships, this paper aims to relocate memories in the context of broader and longer-lasting structures and social processes; centrally linked to the persistence of multiple social inequalities and the relationship between memory and political present. To do this, some institutional state processes are analysed, both at the symbolic level and in the field of education and transmission, in order to present some situations that allow the task of rethinking and raising further questions about the relationship between memory and democracy.     

党的意识形态话语权建构的发展脉络与经验启示——基于建党100周年的审视

中国共产党历经百年奋斗实践,意识形态话语权建构已成为一项系统工程伴随其发展的全过程。意识形态话语权作为意识形态建设中的一个子系统,对维护国家政权稳定、有效引导社会发展、正确规范个体行为具有重要的意义。值此建党百年之际,回顾总结中国共产党在成立、发展和建设过程中争夺、探索、提升、升华意识形态话语权的百年历史进程,能够获得宝贵的经验和深刻的启示。新时代,党的意识形态话语权建构要加强和完善党的意识形态话语主体的建设,拓展和丰富党的意识形态话语内容的广度,探索和创新党的意识形态话语载体的运用,以及实现对党的意识形态话语场域的净化。     

Patterns of ‘Othering’ in Turkey: A Study of Ethnic,Ideological, and Sectarian Polarisation

This study explores who Turkish citizens view as the Other, their perceptions, evaluations, and the degree of Othering of these groups in the private and public spheres. Drawing from varied political science and social psychology literature, it also examines the role of social contact, perceived threat, and the strength of national and religious identification in predicting levels of Othering. Using a national representative sample, the findings reveal that Kurds are the most Othered group in the private sphere, while both Kurds and AKP (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi – Justice and Development Party) supporters are the most Othered groups in the public sphere. Regardless of who the Other is, lower social contact and higher levels of perceived threat are associated with higher levels of Othering of Kurds, Alevis, AKP supporters, and AKP opponents in both the private and public spheres.     

习近平生态环境保护建设系统思维观的内涵与路径解析——基于全过程、全地域、全方位的视角

生态环境问题的成因包括对经济规律、自然规律、生态规律认识不够、把握失当,对资源过度开发、粗放利用、奢侈消费。生态环境保护建设的目标包括形成绿色发展方式和生活方式,促进人和社会持续发展,实现中华民族永续发展。基于全过程、全地域、全方位生态环境保护建设的视角,分别从宏观、中观和微观三大层面对习近平生态环境保护建设系统思维观的内涵进行解析。推进全过程、全地域、全方位生态环境保护建设要从党的领导、思想观念、制度建设、科学规划、科技创新、保护修复、节约集约、移民搬迁进行探索。习近平生态环境保护建设系统思维观是一个完整的思想理论。     

lbn Rushd (Averroes) and the Egyptian Enlightenment Movement

Fully aware of the pressing need for change in the Arab-Muslim world, a group of Egyptian intellectuals have formed the Egyptian Enlightenment Society to promote the necessary reform for the challenges of the twenty-first century. They seek to restore a liberal-secularist trend by disseminating the ideas of rationality, freedom, equality, emancipation of women, and so on. They champion a civil society as against the religious society advocated by the Islamists. The advocates of enlightenment have mobilized the ideas and theories of Egyptian and Muslim liberal thinkers, in particular those of lbn Rushd (Averroes), the great commentator and interpreter of Aristotelian philosophy, regarded by many as one of the key figures in the development of the European Enlightenment. Averroes, a defender of the freedom of rational investigation, and a precursor of the modern scientific outlook, sought to reconcile philosophy and religion, and thus introduce philosophy into a Muslim society governed by the shari. The future of the Arab-Muslim world will depend on the outcome of the struggle between enlightenment and Islamic fundamentalism.     

中国经略周边的机制化路径探析——以中缅经济走廊为例

在美国的战略压力下,周边国家对于中国崛起的重要性越来越凸显,经略周边也成为中国崛起的重要战略支撑。中美战略竞争的阶段性与中国和周边国家关系的密切程度,影响着中国经略周边的模式和路径。在现阶段,中国经略周边的机制化路径能够统合中国有限的外交资源,借助机制激励、约束及塑造等功能提升中国经略周边的质量和成果,维持在周边部分国家已经取得的优势地位。本文以中缅经济走廊建设为案例,从中国经略周边的机制化视角分析其对提升中缅两国内在合作动力、维持中国在缅甸影响力优势地位的重要性和可行性,进而就中缅经济走廊机制化建设可能面临的问题和挑战提出若干对策。     

乡村振兴中的社会治理体系建设

乡村振兴,治理有效是基础。持续的工业化、城镇化、市场化、信息化,加速了农村社会的分化,加之日益加剧的人口稀疏化、老年化,乡村大有衰落之势。在社会治理领域,农村内部矛盾不断增多,包括村霸在内的黑恶势力严重影响农村社会治安,各种突发公共安全事件频繁发生,基层社会治理领域的问题复杂多样,乡村治理面临巨大挑战。国家实施乡村振兴战略两年多来,围绕社会治理,制定并出台了一系列大政方针,为乡村有效治理指明了方向。按照共建共治共享社会治理制度的基本要求,在“七位一体”社会治理体系的总框架下,完善党组织领导的“三治”结合的乡村社区治理体系,落实县乡村联动的乡村治理工作体系,横向上要建立健全权责清晰、体制顺畅、多元互动的乡村社会治理体系,纵向上要建立健全指挥有方、服务到位、上下联动的乡村社会治理体系。     

区域治理视域下的东盟环境问题

环境问题是区域治理的重要组成部分.20世纪80年代以来,环境问题已成为影响东盟社会经济可持续发展的重要因素之一,平衡经济增长与环境的可持续性成为东盟必须认真考虑解决的问题.为应对日益恶化的环境问题,东盟建立了不少合作机制,签署了若干宣言、倡议和协定,并积极与域外国家和环境组织开展合作,然而治理成效还是有限.从东盟存在的环境问题、合作机制和面临的挑战来看,制约东盟环境治理成效的因素,既有东盟层面的,也有东盟成员国层面的.东盟的环境治理尚未摆脱以国家为核心的传统治理模式,区域间缺乏有效的协调与合作,导致治理成效不佳.其中,"东盟方式"是最大的障碍,如何突破"不干涉成员国内政"这一原则的限制,将是东盟环境合作能否取得成效的关键.东盟治理能力的缺陷和缺乏有效的危机应急管理机制、区域意识淡薄、区域合作治理意志与决心不强、集体行动迟缓,说明东盟仍只是一个松散的国家集团.因此,如何协调政治—安全、经济、社会一文化三大支柱之间的关系,实现经济与环境的可持续发展,东盟还有很长的路要走.     

THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN IRAQI KURDISTAN: PARTY RIVALRIES AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) possesses many of the traditional hallmarks of political authority and society, such as state institutions (an Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary), political parties, civil society, elections, and local government. Nevertheless, for the past twenty-five years, it has failed to create a unified political system that adheres to a mutually accepted form of government. Political division, in particular, a rivalry between the main parties, has proved to be a real impediment to the political development and stability of the Region.

This article argues that there is a relationship between the nature and structure of the political parties, which reflects interests' political views of party leaders, and the political systems that have been proposed as solutions to a lack of political stability in Iraqi Kurdistan. Specifically, it argues that the individual character of the main parties, the PUK and the KDP above all, explains why they favour one system of government over the one advanced by their rival and is the core political dispute in Iraqi Kurdistan currently. Finally, the article concludes by identifying prospective systems of government available the KRI and the potential consequences of each.     

The Discourse and Practice of Counter-Terrorism in Liberal Democracies

This article examines the post-Cold War tendency to broaden the counter-terrorism mandate to include other phenomena such as organised crime, drug-trafficking and illegal immigration. This redefinition has important implications for democracy, both at the level of discourse and at the level of practice. At the level of discourse, the plasticity of the word "terrorism" and its application to a wide variety of phenomena is a form of claims making activity by a variety of agencies fighting for budgetary allocations in an era of cost-cutting and deficit reduction. At the level of practice, the counter-terrorism mandate is being expanded to include the range of phenomena covered in the widening discourse and this, in turn, has led to a blurring of boundaries between internal and external security, police and military models of control, and public and private sectors. All this has an impact on the openness of government, the accountability of agencies of social control, the adherence to the rule of law in the fight against terrorism and related phenomena, and the possibility of informed consent by a public made fearful by the claims-making discourse as it is disseminated through the mass media.