卢卡奇阶级意识理论的文本解读

卢卡奇阐释了阶级意识的含义,考察了它的发展历史,探讨了资产阶级阶级意识和无产阶级阶级意识。他认为无产阶级阶级意识是无产阶级革命取得成功的关键,但是在资本主义社会的物化环境中,无产阶级阶级意识的形成是一个艰难而漫长的过程。     

试析卢卡奇总体性辩证法中的物化理论

卢卡奇<历史与阶级意识>一书阐述了工业化社会中人的物化理论,卢卡奇认为物化存在于资本主义社会的经济层面上,而且涉及社会生活的一切领域.消除物化的唯一途径是恢复无产阶级的阶级意识.物化理论对批判资本主义本质,促进人的自由解放有重要意义.     

浅析卢卡奇总体性思想对物化的克服

在《历史与阶级意识》中,卢卡奇提出了物化和总体性两个非常重要的哲学范畴.在卢卡奇看来,物化是资本主义社会普遍存在的现象,其非常大的一个缺陷就是造成主客二分,使无产阶级被物化,从而失去了自己的阶级意识.因此,卢卡奇认为,人们必须运用主客体相互作用、二者统一的总体性辩证方法来克服物化这一现象,希望通过总体性唤醒无产阶级创造历史的主动性和热情,从而实现无产阶级和全人类的解放.     

卢卡奇无产阶级意识下的物化对人的重要影响

匈牙利学者卢卡奇在其著作《历史与阶级意识》中,系统地阐述了阶级意识在历史进步与当代社会有效发展中体现出来的重要性及意义。作为对马克思主义的延续与发展,卢卡奇基于阶级意识的视角来消解正统的马克思主义,让社会主义及共产党人将阶级意识形成一种道义的力量。从对卢卡奇阶级意识下的物化对人的生活状况的影响进行了三个方面的论述与分析。人所处的当时社会环境下的经济、政治与文化思想层面多角度的被技术物化,深刻剖析意识形态的同时又消解解放人的思想才能解放人的社会这一论点,强调社会主义社会终将取代资本主义社会的社会问题。     

《历史与阶级意识》中卢卡奇的物化理论

卢卡奇是西方马克思主义早期代表人物之一,其影响最大的莫过于他的物化理论。卢卡奇在《历史与阶级意识》一书中主要讨论物化和物化意识。马克思异化概念与卢卡奇的物化理论是有差异的,主要表现在:二者研究的出发点不同;概念理解上有差异;对消灭物化途径的看法不同。     

试析卢卡奇的物化理论

＂物化＂是卢卡奇社会批判理论的核心概念。他根据马克思《资本论》对商品拜物教的分析提出＂物化＂范畴,并且在《历史与阶级意识》一书中作了完整阐述。主要探讨卢卡奇所提出的物化理论的内涵、物化的具体表现以及物化的克服,力求较为全面地把握卢卡奇的物化思想,并发掘出物化理论对当今我国社会主义和谐社会建设的启示意义。     

卢卡奇物化理论探析

作为西方马克思主义创始人的卢卡奇始终关注意识形态问题,他的意识形态理论对西方马克思主义乃至整个马克思主义研究界都产生了重要影响。在马克思的《1844年经济学哲学手稿》未发表前,卢卡奇就在其《历史与阶级意识》一书中提出了"物化理论"。他的物化理论是对当代西方社会工人阶级真实境遇的揭示,是对当代西方社会在现代化进程中工具理性和价值理性日益被割裂的深层反思,其目的在于形成工人阶级统一的"阶级意识"。本文试图对其理论做初步的思考。     

浅析卢卡奇“物化”理论对当代的启示

1923年匈牙利哲学家、文学批评家卢卡奇用德文发表了被公认为是西方马克思主义"圣经"的《历史与阶级意识》,对西方马克思主义思潮的形成及其发展产生了重大而深远的影响。其中卢卡奇提出了著名的"物化"理论,引起了马克思主义研究界广泛而又激烈的争议。从卢卡奇的《历史与阶级意识》的"物化"、"总体性"理论入手,从而浅析其重要意义和当代的启示。     

卢卡奇的物化理论与马克思的异化理论的差异

卢卡奇的物化理论与马克思的异化理论在概念内涵、产生根源、表现形式和扬弃途径上都有差异。马克思将异化的产生归结为社会分工和私有制的出现;而卢卡奇则认为是由于资本主义商品经济的发展导致的。卢卡奇的物化理论在表现形式上涉及了许多马克思没有论述的方面。马克思认为通过暴力革命来克服异化,卢卡奇则依赖于无产阶级的阶级意识。     

论卢卡奇物化理论的当代价值

卢卡奇被公认为是20世纪最有影响的思想家之一,他的代表作《历史与阶级意识》中的物化理论对马克思主义理论研究方面做出了不可磨灭的贡献。认真研究卢卡奇的物化理论以及他对物化现象的批判与揭露,对于我们当今社会发展也具有重要的现实意义。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.