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The Department of Trade and Industry's 2003 strategy identifies ‘Black Economic Empowerment’ (BEE) as being broad-based, inclusive, and part of a sustainable long-term growth and development strategy. In this, it is consistent with the 2001 Black Economic Empowerment Commission report, the ANC 2002 conference resolution and ultimately the ANC's Reconstruction and Development Programme of 1994. We use firm-level information in the metals and engineering industries to examine the actual nature and extent of BEE across the dimensions of ownership, procurement, employment equity and training. Its aim is to examine the relationships between BEE concepts and provisions and the responses that firms took in practice. Direct pressure for BEE in metals and engineering firms arises from legislation and regulatory provisions governing employment equity, skills development and procurement. It also follows from procurement provisions applying to large companies that buy from metals and engineering firms, as well as to mining firms and State-Owned Enterprises such as Eskom and Transnet.  相似文献   

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2009年,旅游业继续成为菲律宾经济发展的引擎之一.旅游业的发展与菲律宾政府的一系列旅游产业扶持政策、旅游产品推陈出新、旅游推广等措施是分不开的.  相似文献   

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印尼经济:2009年回顾与2010年展望   总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0  
2009年,受世界经济衰退的影响,印尼进出口额和利用外资额双双下降,但印尼政府采取一系列措施,拉动内需,刺激消费,扩大农业生产,稳定资本金融市场,使印尼经济平稳增长4.5%.2010年,在世界经济复苏的带动下,印尼经济前景看好.  相似文献   

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2006年1月7日至10日,中国社会科学院亚洲太平洋研究所朝鲜半岛问题研究中心在广西南宁举行了朝鲜半岛形势研讨会暨《中国的朝鲜半岛研究》项目报告会,来自北京、上海、天津、山东、辽宁、吉林、黑龙江以及韩国、日本的近三十位专家学者参加了本次会议。朝鲜半岛问题研究中心主持的《中国的朝鲜半岛研究》项目,得到了韩国国际交流财团的资助。与会专家全面考察了建国以来中国各省(市)的朝鲜半岛研究和交流状况,就中国的朝鲜半岛研究中存在的问题进行了认真探讨,并就过去一年来朝鲜半岛的局势进行了深入分析和讨论。与会专家一致认为,近几年中…  相似文献   

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本文总结了我国亚太研究工作者2000年对各种重大问题的研究成果及其主要观点.  相似文献   

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本文用较丰富的史料 ,论述了明政府在允准葡人定居澳门后 ,逐渐形成的一套对澳门的管理制度 ,从各个方面有效地行驶了中国在澳门的主权 ;同时又允准葡人在澳门设置官员 ,建立自治机构 ,实行全面自治。从中可以看出 ,明代澳门的兴起与繁荣 ,与葡人在澳门的自治有很大关系。  相似文献   

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日语中的敬语被普遍认为是"尊重他人"的表达形式,通过敬语的使用,可以区分对话双方的上下、亲疏远近、内外关系,也可以表现场面的郑重。现代敬语中已有很多有关于这方面的论述和研究,但是,敬语所表达的并不仅限于此,它还可以表现说话人自身的"品位"。文章在对有关先行研究进行总结归纳的基础上,以近年来播放的日剧中人物的对话为例,通过对不同人物使用敬语情况的考察分析,发现敬语在表现说话人自身较高的品位和良好的涵养或是显示其身份和社会地位上确实具有极为重要的作用。  相似文献   

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The Internet has become an important infrastructure for political campaigns around the world, and various online tools have become pervasive campaigning devices. Still, most research on the role of the Internet and online tools in political campaigns focuses on US presidential campaigns. Due to the specific institutional context in the US, this research might not provide realistic observations about the role of the Internet in future campaigns in other countries. Researchers will have to enrich the debate through systematic studies of the role of the Internet and various online services in campaigns in political, legal and cultural contexts different from those prevailing in the US. This special issue aims to add to the discussion by presenting a number of empirical studies focusing on the role of the Internet and various online services during the campaign for the German federal election of 2009 and its aftermath.  相似文献   

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俄罗斯电子司法的理论基础已经成熟。电子司法不同于法院信息化,法院信息化是电子司法的前置阶段,电子司法有其独特的内涵。电子司法是电子国家的组成部分,是民主的实现方式之一,在透明度、便捷性、公开性等方面有独特的功能。俄罗斯电子司法的法律渊源分为3种:国家战略规划、法律、司法解释等。其中,国家战略规划是核心,对电子司法的发展起到了统筹和引领作用,法律和司法解释等则为电子司法实践提供具体的规则支撑。仲裁法院的电子司法一直走在前列,其以“我的仲裁”系统为中心的制度建设已经相对完善,普通法院也已取得了不菲的成就,目前俄罗斯的电子司法整体上已经达到了比较高的水平。但是,俄罗斯发展电子司法存在着不平等加剧、立法不足、技术带来新问题、物质保障缺乏等问题。俄罗斯各界就电子司法的问题提出了不同的解决方案,新冠肺炎疫情加深了俄罗斯民众对电子司法的认同,俄罗斯电子司法的前景可期。  相似文献   

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This essay investigates how the degeneration of state socialist regimes and the transition to market-Leninist political economies in China and Vietnam have shaped institutional arrangements governing welfare and its stratification effects. Engaging recent theoretical literature one welfare regimes, the article explores how the evolution of specific combinations of political and economic institutions in China and Vietnam has affected the production and reproduction of welfare and stratification. The common assumption that welfare regimes reflect the structured interests of dominant political and economic actors and thus serve to reproduce that regime is found to invite an excessively static perspective. Instead this essay argues that welfare regimes and stratification in contemporary China and Vietnam require an appreciation of their properties under state-socialism and how specific paths of extrication affected their degeneration and subsequent development under a new form of political economy. The essay also probes the significance of observed differences in China and Vietnam’s political structure in light of suggestions that Vietnam’s more pluralistic political system has made its welfare regime more redistributive than China’s. An alternative perspective suggests China’s wealth obviates the significance of such differences.  相似文献   

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Petitions to Scotland’s central civil court, the Court of Session, contained common features of style despite being presented for a wide range of purposes. As well as being employed in the course of procedure in a number of litigated cases, the petition was used to obtain entry to an office, or in seeking an equitable remedy which might relieve imminent suffering. In many cases they offer detailed narratives about everyday life, commerce, politics and religion which preserve a great deal that may be of value to the legal and social historian. Some petitioners, such as the poor and vulnerable, enjoyed a privileged status entitling them to have their claims heard summarily. A number of petitions, written by lawyers in order to persuade, contain ideas about liberty, justice and reason reflecting the fact that they were addressed to a court of both law and equity. This contribution identifies the features of such petitions, attempts to classify them, and considers their wider historical significance.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Using protest event analysis methodology and conceptual and theoretical toolkits developed in social movement studies, this article analyses protest mobilisation during the period of the height of the economic crisis in Italy (2009–2014) by comparing the protest trends in diachronic and comparative perspectives over a period of four different governments. Data show that the Italian anti-austerity protest arena was dominated by ‘old actors’ (the traditional trade unions) and was not able to produce the strong social and political coalitions that emerged in other South European countries. This was due to the specific relationship that developed between civil society and political parties that shaped the forms of anti-austerity mobilisation in this period.  相似文献   

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