提升教育软实力的高校国际化战略初探

教育软实力是国家文化软实力的重要组成部分,主要体现为教育文化凝聚力、教育文化生命力和教育文化影响力。大力推进高等教育国际化,是增强国家教育软实力的重要平台,有利于提升办学质量、吸引全世界人才和推动高等教育走出去。提高我国高等教育的国际竞争力、世界感召力和文化吸引力,应当树立国际化观念,确立高校国际化发展战略,借鉴发达国家高校国际化的有益经验,积极开展中外合作办学,大力开拓国际教育服务市场。     

如何开好高校图书馆读者座谈会

高校图书馆召开读者座谈会对于密切图书馆与读者之间的联系，促进图书馆工作的不断改进和提高具有极其重要意义。要开好图书馆读者座谈会，一是要统一全馆认识，并将其纳入图书馆工作计划；二是要在做好统计工作的基础上选好谚者代毒；三是要营造良好会议气氛，让读者代表畅所欲言；四是要及时做好会后反馈工作，取信于读者。     

中国如何提升软实力

一个国家的软实力,取决于三个重要方面,首先政府是不是真的说到做到;其次是建立什么样的文化,是不是能够吸引别人。第三是它的外交政策,会影响到大家对一个国家的观感。现在我们来看一下中国的软实力。     

对高校图书馆如何深化服务措施的探讨

高校图书馆在信息时代面临新的机遇和挑战,新时期高校图书馆应以满足读者需要作为自身改革和发展的依据,通过改革传统服务模式来提升服务素质,以更深入、全面的服务方式来满足信息时代高校发展需求,展现高校图书馆的魅力。     

对提升国家文化软实力的思考

文化是民族的灵魂,经济发展的重要支撑.当前,文化在综合同力竞争中的作用越来越重要.十七大以来我国把提升文化软实力作为一个战略重心,但当前处于发展初期,存在较多问题.因此,厘清文化软实力的内涵和作用,正确评估我国文化软实力的现状,探讨我国文化软实力建设发展的途径,对我国整体文化软实力的提升意义重大.     

高校图书馆读者特点及服务对策

本文根据高校图书馆的现状,针对各读者层的特点,提出了深化高校图书馆读者服务工作新思路及服务对策.文献需求会随时代的变化而有所改变.高校科研人员是文献需求最大读者群,图书馆求新思变是其工作主要特色.     

未来高校图书馆主流服务模式探析

信息服务已进入了当代高校图书馆的管理当中，如何认识图书馆信息化服务和现实中可实现的信息服务模式，需要从实现图书馆信息服务目标、发挥文献信息服务功能、做好文献信息服务保障的一些方法等方面进行研究。     

高校图书馆期刊服务与知识导航

期刊工作是图书馆工作的重要组成部分,文章探讨了高校图书馆提供的知识服务方式,指出大部分高校图书馆期刊服务相距知识服务甚远,高校图书馆期刊工作要更新服务观念,转变服务方式,坚定服务宗旨.     

高校图书馆面向社会服务的对策研究

通过筒述国内外高校图书馆面向社会服务的现状,分析影响我国高校图书馆面向社会服务的因素,提出高校图书馆面向社会服务的对策。     

以社会主义核心价值体系提升高校文化软实力

用社会主义核心价值体系提升高校文化软实力有其现实的需要:引领大学校园文化的内在需要,高校文化育人的内在本质需要和实现新时期社会主义核心价值体系自我完善和发展的客观诉求。同时社会主义核心价值体系作为国家文化软实力的核心内容从四个方面在提升高校文化软实力上发挥着不可替代的作用,是提升高校文化软实力的必由之路。因此高校应该把社会主义核心价值体系融入课堂教学、校园文化活动以及日常管理的全过程。     

“十二五”时期中国如何实现服务业结构高级化

中国服务业结构并没有随着人均国民收入水平提高和工业化进程的推进而实现高级化,其中主要的原因从需求角度看中国工业在全球产业价值链分工格局中缺乏对知识技术密集型生产性服务的产业关联需求,从供给角度来看具有行政垄断性质的产业组织结构约束了企业家对生产性服务市场的进入。因此,创造对生产性服务的产业关联需求,打破生产性服务的行政垄断,促进生产性服务高级生产要素的自由流动是中国实现服务业结构高级化的重要战略选择。     

提高国家文化软实力的重要意义

提高国家文化软实力,是以胡锦涛同志为核心的党中央新一代领导集体在党的十七大报告中提出的重大文化发展战略.这一战略命题强调了文化在当今世界综合国力竞争中的重要角色,确立了文化在整个国家发展战略中的核心地位.它的提出,对于增强我国的民族凝聚力和创造力,提升我国的国际竞争力、推动我国经济社会的又好又快发展具有重要意义.     

军事软实力的战斗力生成机制及其建设途径

军事软实力在信息化战争中的作用日益突出.这是因为军事软实力通过对军队内部诸要素质量的提升和结构的优化,形成凝聚力、鼓舞力、文化力、整合力、创新力和瓦解力,能够极大地提高军队的战斗力.在我军武器装备技术水平与西方军事强国的巨大差距难以在短时间内发生根本性改变的情况下,加强军事软实力建设对于提高我军打赢信息化战争的能力具有十分重要的意义.     

Ubuntu diplomacy: Broadening soft power in an African context

Ubuntu is an African philosophical worldview that has increasingly gained prominence since South Africa's democratic transition in 1994. It places emphasis on the world's common humanity and its consequent interdependence. Through content analysis, the article examines the soft power that is inherent in South Africa's foreign policy, as codified in the 2011 White Paper on South African Foreign Policy–Building a Better World: Diplomacy of Ubuntu. In its findings, the article established a distinction between Joseph Nye's original conceptualization of soft power, formulated from a United States realist foreign policy perspective, and the one inherent in South Africa's humanist foreign policy guided by the philosophy of Ubuntu. This distinction is premised on the geopolitical disparities between the two nations. The article further examines South Africa's wielding of soft power within the African continent, the first audience of the country's diplomacy of Ubuntu.     

房管局档案管理在文化软实力发展中的创新

在文化软实力上升为国家战略的现实背景下,房管局档案管理面临着提升文化软实力的创新发展。依据国内房管局档案管理的客观情况,档案管理至少可以在"软件"建设、教育职能两个方面实现创新发展。     

The sustained incremental multi-actor multi-action building of South Korean soft power in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Since the end of the East–West divide in the 1990s, the world has slowly lost its US-based unipolarity to globalisation, and a shift towards East Asia. This phenomenon has given more space to middle powers and furthered the embeddedness of the political, economic, and cultural spheres into the dynamics of social structures. It is highly visible when observed from the digital communication standpoint, which has become pervasive. In this context, the study of international power has moved towards the concept of soft power, which remains a fuzzy concept concerning ‘who’ and ‘what’. We define power as a continuum, in which various types of public and private actors carry out different types of coercive to cooptive actions in various but embedded spheres. We propose an empirically tractable conceptual framework that we use as a tool to analyse soft power within a hard-to-soft power spectrum, in which the articulation, dynamics and incremental nature of soft power become observable. We illustrate our point with the case study of South Korean power in Indonesia in the twenty-first century and draw conceptual as well as practical conclusions.     

How to humiliate and shame: a reporter's guide to the power of the mugshot

The judicial photograph – the “mugshot” – is a ubiquitous and instantly recognisable form, appearing in the news media, on the internet, on book covers, law enforcement noticeboards and in many other mediums. This essay attempts to situate the mugshot in a historical and theoretical context to explain the explicit and implicit meaning of the genre as it has developed, focussing in particular on their use in the UK media in late modernity. The analysis is based on the author's reflexive practice as a journalist covering crime in the national news media for 30 years and who has used mugshots to illustrate stories for their explicit and specific content. The author argues that the visual limitations of the standardised “head and shoulders” format of the mugshot make it a robust subject for analysing the changing meaning of images over time. With little variation in the image format, arguments for certain accreted layers of signification are easier to make. Within a few years of the first appearance of the mugshot form in the mid-19th century, it was adopted and adapted as a research tool by scientists and criminologists. While the positivist scientists claimed empirical objectivity we can now see that mugshots played a part in the construction of subjective notions of “the other”, “the lesser” or “sub-human” on the grounds of class, race and religion. These dehumanising ideas later informed the theorists and bureaucrats of National Socialist ideology from the 1920s to 1940s. The author concludes that once again the mugshot has become, in certain parts of the media, a signifier widely used to exclude or deride certain groups. In late modernity, the part of the media that most use mugshots – the tabloid press and increasingly tabloid TV – is part of a neo-liberal process that, in a conscious commercial appeal to the paying audience, seeks to separate rather than unify wider society.     

It's economic size,stupid! How global advocacy mirrors state power

Numerous empirical studies suggest that global interest communities are heavily biased in favor of wealthier countries. This research note critically reviews these works suggesting that they (i) lack a benchmark to assess the biased nature of global interest communities and (ii) conflate the concepts of “wealth” (based on GDP per capita) and “economic power” (based on GDP) into one analytical category. As a corrective to these problems, we compare variation in global interest group mobilization across countries to the size of these countries' national economies. Relying on an original dataset mapping interest groups communities at the World Trade Organization (1997–2012) and the United Nations Climate Summits (1997–2011), we show that (i) global interest representation almost perfectly reflects differences in countries' relative economic power and (ii) contrary to the conventional wisdom, wealthier countries are, relative to their economic size, actually underrepresented in global interest communities.     

International political marketing: a case study of United States soft power and public diplomacy

• Political marketing can be categorized with three aspects: the election campaign as the origin of political marketing, the permanent campaign as a governing tool and international political marketing (IPM) which covers the areas of public diplomacy, marketing of nations, international political communication, national image, soft power and the cross‐cultural studies of political marketing. IPM and the application of soft power have been practiced by nation‐states throughout the modern history of international relations starting with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Nation‐states promote the image of their country worldwide through public diplomacy, exchange mutual interests in their bilateral or multilateral relation with other countries, lobby for their national interests in international organizations and apply cultural and political communication strategies internationally to build up their soft power. In modern international relations, nation‐states achieve their foreign policy goals by applying both hard power and soft power. Public diplomacy as part of IPM is a method in the creation of soft power, as well as, in the application of soft power.
• This paper starts with the definitional and conceptual review of political marketing. For the first time in publication, it establishes a theoretical model which provides a framework of the three aspects of political marketing, that is electoral political marketing (EPM), governmental political marketing (GPM) and IPM. This model covers all the main political exchanges among six inter‐related components in the three pairs of political exchange process, that is candidates and party versus voters and interest groups in EPM ; governments, leaders and public servants versus citizens and interest groups in GPM, including political public relations and lobbying which have been categorized as the third aspect of political marketing in some related studies; and governments, interest group and activists versus international organizations and foreign subjects in IPM. This study further develops a model of IPM, which covers its strategy and marketing mix on the secondary level of the general political marketing model, and then, the third level model of international political choice behaviour based the theory of political choice behaviour in EPM. This paper continues to review the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy and defines their relation with IPM.
• It then reports a case study on the soft power and public diplomacy of the United States from the perspectives of applying IPM and soft power. Under the framework of IPM, it looks at the traditional principles of US foreign policy, that is Hamiltonians, Wilsonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians, and the application of US soft power in the Iraq War since 2003. The paper advances the argument that generally all nation states apply IPM to increase their soft power. The decline of US soft power is caused mainly by its foreign policy. The unilateralism Jacksonians and realism Hamiltonians have a historical trend to emphasize hard power while neglecting soft power. Numerous reports and studies have been conducted on the pros and cons of US foreign policy in the Iraq War, which are not the focus of this paper. From the aspect of IPM, this paper studies the case of US soft power and public diplomacy, and their effects in the Iraq War. It attempts to exam the application of US public diplomacy with the key concept of political exchange, political choice behaviour, the long‐term approach and the non‐government operation principles of public diplomacy which is a part of IPM. The case study confirms the relations among IPM, soft power and public diplomacy and finds that lessons can be learned from these practices of IPM. The paper concludes that there is a great demand for research both at a theoretical as well as practical level for IPM and soft power. It calls for further study on this subject.

Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Regulatory disempowerment: How enabling and controlling forms of power obstruct citizen-based regulation

Regulatory studies assume that citizens can act as regulators to complement or correct failing state and market forms of regulation. Yet, there is a growing literature that shows that in reality citizens may fail to be effective regulators. This paper systematically analyses how power inequalities obstruct citizens in their regulatory roles. It compares four case studies with highly different social and political contexts but with similar outcomes of citizens failing to regulate risk. The case studies are analyzed by operationalizing sociological and political science ideas about manifestations of enabling and controlling forms of power in order to understand the way power inequalities obstruct citizens in their regulatory roles across diverse contexts. The article shows how citizens, from farmers and manual workers in both authoritarian developing and democratic developed contexts to even highly trained medical professionals from the US, have limited agency and are disempowered to act as regulators. Our analysis reveals that five patterns of disempowerment play a crucial role in obstructing successful society-based regulation: (i) dependency, (ii) capacity, (iii) social hierarchy, (iv) discursive framing, and (v) perverse effects of legal rights.