Patterns of Internet and Traditional News Media Use in a Networked Community

Abstract

International communication has come increasingly under the impact of at least three major technological, socio‐economic, and political forces: expanded channels of communication provided by technological developments, democratizing pressures that have brought new voices to be heard in international media and forums, and new but as yet weak mechanisms for the conduct of meaningful dialogue and negotiations. Power politics has been thus increasingly supplemented or supplanted by image politics, questioning traditional boundaries between domestic and international politics, and creating image fixations that have proved occasionally inimical to accommodation of real interests. The symbolic uses of images, on the other hand, have served at least three kinds of cognitive interests: national solidarity, and domestic instrumental and global community. The Iranian hostage crisis, among a number of other contemporary examples, illustrates how these interests were served, symbolically and actually, in domestic as well as international politics. Through a case study of the hostage crisis, me paper concludes with some warnings on the potentials as well as menaces of image politics.     

Should the Media Be More or Less Powerful in Politics? Individual and Contextual Explanations for Politicians and Journalists

The normative question regarding whether the media should have more or less impact on politics, as viewed by politicians and journalists, is important assuming that norms about media influences can influence behaviors. The present study is the first that combines individual and structural factors that explain political actors’ and journalists’ normative views on the media’s influence on politics. Based on a conceptualization of political communication cultures, representative micro-level survey data from more than 600 political actors and journalists within 52 German cities were combined with macro-level indicators for the political and media competition in each city. Multilevel analyses show that interactions between the actors’ characteristics and their competitive working conditions help explain their normative evaluations of the media’s influence on politics. However, individual characteristics such as actors’ role conceptions influence normative views more so than media and political competition do.     

中菲民间组织的交流与合作：对现状与前景的初步探讨

本文对中菲民间组织合作交流的现状、存在的主要问题以及合作前景进行了初步探讨,指出中菲民间组织应在加强组织建设、能力建设、发展战略以及关系到双方切身利益的问题与领域进行紧密合作,促进双方社会的和谐发展。     

Relationship Management with Managers of Countrywide Offices of SEESA: A Case Study

Employees are a crucial stakeholder group for organisations since they determine the degree to which they achieve their goals. It is therefore necessary to build strong relationships with the workforce to encourage employee engagement, which implies that employees’ individual goals are aligned to those of the organisation. To build strong relationships, internal communication should be managed strategically. However, when an organisation has offices around the country, internal relationship management can be impeded, which adversely affects the entity attaining its goals. In this qualitative study, the case of SEESA, a national labour law organisation specialising in providing legal services to employers, was investigated to determine the way in which it manages relationships with its nationwide managers. A mixed-method approach was followed, using semi-structured interviews and questionnaires to gather data. The findings indicated that, despite studies elsewhere indicating a communication and relationship building strategy as a prerequisite for building strong organisation-employee relationships, the outcomes of such relationships can be present without a formal internal communication strategy. This can occur provided the organisation is inclined towards a symmetrical world view, has an open culture and encourages two-way communication with top management. Suggestions for managing relationships with employees in nationwide offices are made.     

日本参与东亚国际分工战略目标、形式的调整与影响

日本作为东亚地区唯一完成工业化现代化的国家 ,在东亚的经济发展与既有东亚国际分工体系中 ,扮演着十分重要的角色。但是 ,日本所倡导的东亚“雁行模式”国际分工 ,是一把“双刃剑” ,对日本来说已在长期发展中显露了双重效果 ,90年代以后 ,其负效果日益突出起来 ,这不仅对日本经济发展不利 ,更重要的是影响了东亚国际分工的发展 ,因此 ,调整参与东亚国际分工的形式与目标 ,建立双向开放的国际化经济 ,就成为日本参与东亚国际分工的新课题。     

阮初经济恢复与中越经贸文化关系的发展(1802-1847)

阮朝是越南历史上一个重要的,也是最后一个封建王朝。越南学术界对其在历史上的作用评价不一,观点甚至完全相反。本文认为阮朝的历史可分为前后两个时期,阮朝前期国家统一,政治相对稳定,在经济重建和发展与清朝的经贸文化关系方面有积极的作用。阮朝的兴衰有多方面的原因,基本的历史经验与教训是,只有适应时代发展的潮流,革新开放,不断进取,方能长治久安。     

In search of proximate enemies

Abstract: The post-Cold War context has accompanied the ascent of East Asian economies and consumer markets, as exemplified by China, while Japan's experience has been marked by the struggle with an economic slump after the collapse of the so-called bubble economy. Japan has been actively promoting ‘cool Japan’ instead of the economy, but even more notable is the rise of the Korean Wave. Joined together with political contestation over historical issues, anti-China/Korea sentiments have been growing, as is the accompanying hate-speech movement against resident Koreans in new-millennium Japan. Growing East Asian rivalry along with the relative decline of Japan, the widely shared sense of socio-economic predicament and the upsurge of digital media communications have been conjoined to generate the hunt for proximate enemies – China, Korea, and resident Koreans in Japan – as the object of expressions of hate. How to develop better uses of digital media towards the cultivation of dialogic cultural citizenship is an imperative issue.     

中俄“国家年” 合作新起点

中俄举办“国家年”活动是两国元首做出的政治决定。这是今明两年中俄关系的主线,也是两国对外关系中的大事。“国家年”活动旨在进一步加强双方政治互信,推动政治、经济、科技、军事、人文等各领域合作,宣传《中俄睦邻友好合作条约》确立的“世代友好、永不为敌”的和平思想,巩固中俄友好的社会基础,推动中俄战略协作伙伴关系迈向更高水平。     

新罗宾贡生的汉诗与唐代格律诗

朝鲜从初唐时期开始就通过新罗宾贡生接受了中国格律诗的影响。其诗作集中表现了感时伤事、思乡、惜别、人生无常的情感;讲求押韵、平仄、对仗,同时用典灵活自然,注重运用隐喻手法;另外,其诗作深受晚唐唯美主义诗风的影响,但崔致远和朴仁范则体现出淡雅、通俗直白、叙事与议论相结合的现实主义诗风。