Music and society in the 20th century: Georg Lukacs,Ernst Bloch,and Theodor Adorno

Conclusion The avant-garde has defined itself not only by what it has opposed; it has come to show a specific content and character best shown in Poggioli's masterful portrait. Lukacs-Bloch-Adorno stood in a complex but unclarified relation to the avant-garde; their failure to clarify this relation constitutes a limitation on their sociology of music. One wishes for a new Max Weber to put their broad statements to some kind of historical test. However, the condition of music today calls for a different kind of sociology than they produced; the fragmentation of music into a multiplicity of styles and audiences, the cornucopia of choices that make available almost all musics from all eras throughout the world, the specialization and fragmentation of audiences for the classics, for avant-garde experiments, for folk music, ethnic musics, for rock, punk, and whatever else, the co-existence of more than one style of composition, all require a sociology of music that is not encompassed by a single philosophical approach.     

Order and commerce in turbulent areas: 19th century lessons, 21st century practice

The recent collapse of some states, the proliferation of internal wars and of localized political authorities, so‐called ‘warlords’, challenges the homogeneity of the international system of states at its margins. These new fragmented authorities often rely upon commercial deals with outsiders to consolidate their power. This threatens officials in strong states who depend upon organized states everywhere to control their realms and control their citizens' transactions, including with terrorists and criminals. Widespread direct rule by western powers, as in Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo, and Bosnia, is too expensive and politically risky to apply to all disorderly parts of the globe. Instead, officials in powerful states use techniques of indirect control that utilize commercial networks to pacify disorderly areas. This strategy resembles techniques developed in 19th century European relations with stateless areas. Similar problems develop as well. This led in the 19th century to direct rule, while contemporary officials are forced to experiment with more intensive use of commercial relations to pacify unruly areas.     

Party identity change in post-communist politics: the cases of the successor parties in Hungary, Poland and Russia

In recent years much has been written on the communist successor parties. Although much of the existent work focuses on the electoral performance of these parties or has described, in great detail, the development of single parties, this paper evaluates the utility of theories of party identity change in application to the successor parties. As an initial exploration we investigate the successor parties' programs before and after the initial competitive parliamentary elections in Hungary (in 1990), Poland (in 1991) and Russia (in 1993) to determine the extent to which poor electoral performance in initial competitive elections compelled the successor parties to alter their political identities.     

二十世纪下半叶西方国家刑法改革与少年刑事司法

刑法的最后手段性观念和合理地组织对犯罪反应观念是二十世纪下半叶兴起的西方国家刑法改革最具影响力的内容,在这两个观念影响下出现的非犯罪化、非刑罚化、非诉讼化思想,在少年刑事司法制度中得到了充分的实现,并成为西方国家合理地组织对未成年人违法犯罪反应方式的重要组成部分,此后西方国家在对少年违法犯罪反应方式上进行了一系列的创新,对这些新出现的反应手段可以概括为两类:一类是司法外处置措施;另一类是司法内处置措施。     

应该如何看待20世纪的社会主义--评介《丰碑与警示--20世纪的社会主义》

刚刚过去的20世纪,可以说是人类有史以来变化最大、成就最多的一个世纪。先后有16个国家建 立了崭新的社会主义制度,在人类文明进步史上树立了巍峨的新丰碑。当代世界出版社与中央党校出版社联合出版的《丰碑与警示——20世纪的社会主义》这本40万字的专著,就是回顾了20世纪世界社会主义历史进程并总结其经验教训的一部力作。     

Do leaders matter? Chinese politics,leadership transition and the 17th Party Congress

The opaque nature of decision making in China has generated considerable interest in the internecine machinations of elite politics. Particularly, but not only, when it comes to issues of leadership transition, considerations of factional formation and conflict come to the fore. This is partly to explain the transition process itself, but also out of concern for how new leaders might change the direction of Chinese policy. This paper suggests that whilst leaders and leadership changes do matter, they matter less than they once did. This is partly a result of the de-ideologicization and increasing diverse nature of elite interests and group formation. But it is also partly a result of the changed nature of China's political economy; in short, there is less desire and less ability for new leaders to impose a clear paradigm shift.     

Political corruption,economic performance,and electoral outcomes: a cross-national analysis

The current study examines how the incumbent government's economic performance plays a role in mediating the impact of political corruption on electoral outcomes in 115 developing countries with relatively higher levels of corruption than Western consolidated democracies. Borrowing theoretical insights from the information-processing theory of voting, this study finds that political corruption becomes a formative electoral factor when the regime fails to sustain a sufficient level of economic growth. Otherwise, political corruption is not a significant factor that shapes electoral outcomes, irrespective of the level of perceived corruption, because the economy occupies voters' minds as the most important issue, making it a more accessible issue than political corruption.     

探析新世纪世界政党政治的钟摆现象

新世纪以来,世界政党政治的钟摆充分体现了"十年河东、十年河西"的政治发展规律.进入新世纪以来,在世界主要的资本主义国家中,奉行右翼意识形态和政治倾向的资产阶级右翼政党相继在新一轮选举中取得执政地位,表明世界政党政治走向由冷战结束初期的中左翼政党政治向右翼政党政治的回归.