Utilizing FDI to Stay Ahead: The Case of Singapore

A country of 5 million people in 710?km², Singapore has built itself into an integral part of global markets with living standards that are among the highest in the world. The purpose of this article is to apply a capabilities-based approach to understand how a small, resource-scarce country dependent on global markets has done so well. The core of Singapore??s success has been the continuous updating and expanding of domestic social capabilities to meet the needs of foreign companies. Government policies were hypersensitive to providing conditions for foreign firms to be successful. Foreign firms investing in Singapore by now have helped close the income gap with advanced economies and are on the way to closing the innovation gap. Singapore demonstrates that with deliberate attention to building skills, institutions and infrastructure, it is possible for a small country to upgrade skills and to move up the production-value chain with primary reliance on foreign direct investment (FDI). Cultivation of private Singaporean firms has been secondary but may be the next step needed to sustain progress, both to respond to increased competition from China and others, and to build a knowledge-based economy.     

Delivering joined–up government in the UK: dimensions, issues and problems

In the UK, joined–up government (JUG) was a central part of the first Blair government's programme for public sector reform. It remains a pivotal, if more muted, feature of the second term. We will identify the range of disparate activities that have been branded as 'joined up'. We then look at the variety of official guidance coming from the centre of government to highlight the overlapping and competing strategies that underpinned the implementation of joined–up government. Various competing strategies have been advocated and implemented at any one time. Therefore the situation was more fluid and more contested than might be inferred from the use of the homogenizing term 'joined–up government'. We conclude by briefly considering what this implies for our understanding of intra–state relationships, of the relationships between public agencies and civil society, and the relationship between JUG and the politics of the Third Way.     

Delivering Political Power to Language Minorities: Voting,Elections, and the Rights of Language Minorities

This article examines the significance of emerging international interdependency and how it may influence the teaching of Public Affairs/Administration (PA) in the next decade. Postwar demand for international courses is described along with a different set of contemporary factors that is internationalizing traditionally domestic sectors of society. The growing importance of policy issues such as international trade and economic competition, immigration, and terrorism is examined along with the possible effect on education. The potential roles of public administrators are also outlined and recommendations are made for ways in which the PA community can assess its response to an internationalized policy environment.     

From retrenchment to performance: civil service reform in Africa

Whether or not an unfettered market is the best solution to Africa's problems, the public service is both the subject and the object of reform. It is an arena of policy change and adjustment in economic management, as well as the locus of struggle over principles and patterns of administrative practice. Below we take empirical stock of the patterns and progress made in public service reform in Africa, a process characterized by cost containment and retrenchment. Then we examine what is entailed in a qualitatively different public service that well serves a liberal economy, concluding with observations on whether and how that might happen in Africa.     

Technological learning in Singapore: A test case of leapfrogging

Some technology analysts have suggested that developing countries (DCs) might be able to ‘leapfrog’ earlier technological paradigms and catch up in the field of electronics. This paper provides a partial test case of the leapfrogging argument, using evidence from Singapore's electronics industry. It shows that technology was accumulated through a gradual process of learning, rather than by leapfrogging. Indeed, corporate learning was incremental, painstaking, long‐term and cumulative. Also in contrast with the leapfrogging hypothesis, firms tended to enter electronics at the mature phase of the product cycle rather than the early stage. Furthermore, much of the technology accumulated by Singapore's electronics industry was ‘pre‐electronic’ in character, involving crafts, mechanical and precision engineering, electro‐mechanical interfacing and basic manufacturing skills, rather than the software, computer and R&D skills usually associated with electronics. The evidence from Singapore suggests that industrial development in electronics involves a gradual and systematic accumulation of industrial, educational and infrastructural capabilities, many of which are associated with pre‐electronic technological paradigms.     

新加坡反腐败经验对中国廉政建设的启示

日前,笔者赴新加坡培训、学习、考察和调研,感到收获很大。他山之石,可以攻玉,现将考察成果梳理成文,希望对中国的廉政建设有所裨益。     

The central provident fund scheme in Singapore: Challenges and reform

The article explains the features and evolution of the Central Provident Fund (CPF) scheme in Singapore and the reforms it has undergone in the face of recent challenges. At its inception, it was designed as an exclusively state managed savings scheme to meet the retirement needs of its members. Over the years, it has been gradually liberalised, allowing account holders to use their savings for additional purposes. In recent years two key challenges have arisen. One has been the problems arising out of liberalisation itself, which has left too many CPF members with insufficient savings for their retirement as a result of mistaken or imprudent choices in committing their savings to the additional options available. In response, the Singapore government has tempered or reversed the process of liberalisation, imposing or maintaining constraints on the use of CPF savings so as to ensure sufficient savings to meet retirement needs. The second challenge is the need to restructure the Singapore economy in the face of regional and global competition so as to sustain the profitability of the business sector and enhance employability of the older workers. The response of the government has been to allow the CPF contribution rates of employers to be adjusted and the CPF salary ceiling to be lowered so as to reduce business costs and increase the chances of employment of older workers. However, using the CPF scheme as a macroeconomic tool by reducing employers’ contribution rates may lead to less scope for CPF members to accumulate sufficient savings for their retirement. This would mean that the response to the second challenge would be at odds with the response to the first challenge.     

Illiberal democracy and the future of opposition in Singapore

There are quite a number of ways by which politics in Singapore can be meaningfully approached. One perspective is to focus on the guiding beliefs and values of the People’s Action Party (PAP) governing elite and its nature of state governance since its assumption of power in 1959; it has ruled the state continuously since then. Its success in turning Singapore into a modern metropolis the envy of many has helped to buttress and legitimise its rule. Despite the growing criticisms, especially by the opposition parties, of the highly regulated manner by which the country has been managed, the PAP government, led by its first and former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, and now by Goh Chok Tong, has unrepentantly stuck to its long-held world-view and governing paradigm. To the government, Singapore’s rapid economic growth and political stability could not have been achieved if the country were to follow the Western liberal democratic path and its attendant notions of development. While gradually allowing for greater citizen participation in the formulation of policies in more recent times, the present leadership, mindful of opening up a Pandora’s box, is still cautiously wary of the growth of a more pluralistic political environment; hence, its preference for what can be described as an illiberal, (soft) authoritarian democratic culture. Given this particular regime mindset and its parameters of governance, it is indeed a Herculean task for Opposition parties to make any significant inroads in the Republic’s future politics. However, all may not be lost for opposition parties and for those aspiring to see the evolution of a civil society. If they can capitalise on some probable future happenings—such as intra-party PAP factionalism consequent to the departure of the ‘old guard’, a prolonged economic downturn, and the rise of a new educated, IT generation—then their political future may hold some promise.