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Eunice Ndeto Ivala 《Communicatio》2013,39(1):24-30
ABSTRACT Few technologies have generated as much interest, paranoia, and hype as the Internet. Its significance has been recognised by most major companies and institutions around the world. Analysts suggest that it may lay to waste global giants that do not adapt to it and allow new companies to spring from nothing to take their place (Chaldwick, 1998). Companies in industries like computing, television, publishing and retailing have been quick to see the potential threats and opportunities from this network. Many are pouring in tens or even thousands of pounds developing websites, with little return of that investment within sight. Others may be less sure of the Internet's potential, but still feel that it is too important not to have a presence there. Distance education has been around in one form or another since the 1830s, but if distance education ever had a ‘boom’ era, we are in it now, and have been in it for remarkable advances in the delivery of technologies available to us. One of these, of course, is the Internet. This paper will attempt to explore where distance education fits into the picture, with particular reference to Internet connectivity and use in developing countries, what the Internet can offer for distance education learners, constraints which hinder Internet use for distance education and solutions to these constraints. 相似文献
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DAVID L. ALTHEIDE 《政治交往》2013,30(3):293-296
Abstract The election of 1952 saw the beginning of the age of telepolitics. In that year the medium of television played a decisive role in the nomination by the Republican Party of Dwight D. Eisenhower since it exposed convention proceedings to a national audience and gave that national audience, as well as representatives of the media, major influence over convention events. In the post‐convention period, Eisenhower's public relations advisors used television to soften the General's military image, reach Democrats and Independents, and increase the pro‐Eisenhower voter turnout. Whereas Stevenson never fully mastered the demands of television, Eisenhower was adept and skillful at using the medium as a major new campaign vehicle. 相似文献
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Shir Mohammad Rawan 《政治交往》2013,30(2):155-170
This article explores the bipolar structure of communication in Afghanistan, where the latest technological advancements in media coexist with a complex system of traditional communication. After 22 years of civil war and the destruction of most modern media facilities, Afghanistan's traditional channels of communication have become even more significant. This article examines the history of the press in Afghan politics and society and asks what roles modern and traditional communication systems and values may play in the future. 相似文献
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Ⅰ. Background of the Engagement of Media and NGOs in China’s Public Diplomacy i. The engagement of media and NGOs in China’s public diplomacy emerged against the backdrop of the profound changes taken place in China over the past three decades. More than three decades ago, China initiated 相似文献
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日本社会媒体和舆论如何与日本政府的对华政策互动,以及在政府的对华政策中所起的作用,是今后思考中日关系时一个值得关注的课题. 相似文献
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本文以马来西亚星洲媒体集团为例,论述了在媒体融合的背景下,海外华文媒体所面对的冲击以及所作出的应对措施。文章指出,海外华文媒体可借鉴星洲媒体集团成功实现媒体融合的经验,紧紧抓住新媒体迅速发展的契机,加快朝媒体融合的方向发展,以开拓新的生存空间,继续承传中华文化。 相似文献
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The Seminar on Media and NGOs in Public Diplomacy, co-sponsored by the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU) and China Foundation for Peace and Development (CFPD), was held in the morning of April 17th in Beijing. More than 30 experts and scholars, media and NGO representatives from India, Japan, Pakistan, Russia 相似文献
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拉美国家腐败严重,危害尤烈,各国政府开始重视廉政体系建设.媒体是反腐败制度体系的重要支柱之一,发挥着直接反腐与间接防腐的双重作用,是应对腐败不可或缺的手段.但在拉美特定的政治经济环境中,媒体的反腐作用受到诸多限制,值得深思. 相似文献
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我国自20世纪70年代末启动改革开放进程,由此媒体对中国外交政策制定的影响总体上呈逐渐上升的趋势.目前中国的大众传媒之于外交政策显示了五大主要的功能.尽管中国外交政策的制定还不是一个充分开放的过程,但体制内的政治精英仍可引导公众舆论,影响大众的认知. 相似文献
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):255-258
The concept of balancing—joining the weaker party in a conflict—is an important part of the realist literature. The concept has a modern counterpart in the literature on extended deterrence that grew up in the nuclear era. But despite the importance of this concept, it has not been subjected to extensive empirical study. In this paper, we show how the realist and extended deterrence literature are linked, and go on to test for the existence of balancing behavior in serious disputes for the 1816–1976 time period. The results indicate that, while there are many disputes in which no joining occurs, when it does happen, the capability balance is likely to shift to favor the initially smaller side, as the balancing literature would predict. 相似文献
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本文从理论上阐明中国-东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)建设中充分发挥传媒作用的必要性和重要性,分析了传媒在CAFTA建设中的经济和文化作用,从而丰富和深化对自由贸易区建设产业内涵及动力机制的理解。 相似文献
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越南华文报纸经历了华人自办、华人自办和官办同时存在和完全官办3个时期。目前越南有3家华文媒体:《西贡解放日报》(华文版)、《越共电子报》中文版和《平阳日报》中文电子版.由于种种原因,越南华文媒体的发展空间有限。 相似文献
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本文回顾泰国华人信息媒介从私人书信到华人报刊,从电讯媒体再到互联网的发展历程,探讨泰国华人网络媒介的现状,从国家形象的直观展现、国家形象的反思与解构以及国家关系的积极建构等方面探讨互联网对国家关系建构的作用。 相似文献
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Abstract This article addresses some of the trends and issues as they relate to media and cultural globalisation. Grounded in a fundamental cultural perspective, the problematic of international communication is framed in different views of ‘local culture’, ‘cultural identity’ and ‘processes of cultural mixing’. In the end, a research framework for the study of cultural globalisation/localisation is outlined. The framework captures the issue of hybridised cultural products from a people centred perspective. 相似文献
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随着中国的发展,中国形象在西方正在发生变化。西方观察中国的视角更加多元,中国形象趋向立体,增添了一些理性的元素。但是,西方国家的中国观仍然折射出深刻的意识形态偏见,严重阻碍了西方国家对中国形成符合事实的认识。这些片面的认知和不公正的价值评判使中国形象蒙尘。因此,随着国家文化软实力建设被提升至战略高度,在国际上营造中国和平、发展、合作的良好形象是未来外交工作的重要内容。 相似文献