美国在东南亚的反恐地缘政治

随着冷战后全球化的深入发展,国家威胁来源逐渐多样化,地缘政治出现了两种趋向:一种是以国家行为体权力角逐为核心的地缘政治,另一种是非国家行为体兴起后,引起的以非传统安全为核心的地缘政治.在东南亚反恐过程中,美国将地缘政治和反恐战略结合在一起,通过追求新的"心脏地带"和"边缘地带",以消除心理和观念上的恐怖威胁.     

防范对抗,推动积极的国际关系议程

讨论全球关系体系转型的迫切问题具有深刻意义.这个古老而又崭新的庞大话题体现为古老文明与现实的有机统一,全球化过程就是其中的一项内容.历史必将提供经过修正的全球化的平衡.从世界发展的趋势中我们可以得出这样的结论,即:全球化正在为全体和个人增加巨大潜力.我们的中心任务是建立积极的国际议事日程,通过实施这项议程也许能够实际形成可控制的、能够可靠地支持国际稳定、对全球挑衅和威胁做出明确的集体和个人反应的国际关系.     

美国在"动荡弧"的战略利益分析

美国在“动荡弧”具有地缘、能源、安全等重要战略利益。这个地带既是美国实现和维护全球霸权的“支轴”及确保本土安全和“帝国”稳定的“边疆”,也是确保自身能源需求和掌握影响其他战略力量的有利态势或手段所试图控制的地区,更是消除“伊斯兰恐怖主义”紧迫的现实威胁和“伊斯兰主义”在意识形态上的潜在威胁所要改造的地区。当前和今后一段时期,美国在“动荡弧”的行动,不仅有确保现实利益之意,更有谋取有利战略态势,进而由此分割、包围、制约其他战略力量的深远考虑。美国如果在这个地带顺利得手,将不利于其他战略力量在未来国际格局中的态势;但它在这个地带被伤筋动骨甚至最终导致其全球霸权崩溃,也未必符合其他战略力量的根本利益。     

退而回到帝国体系,还是进而走向全球善治?——俞可平教授谈全球化时代的帝国研究和全球秩序

帝国研究近年来不仅成为国家理论关注的热点,而且事实上成为历史学研究、政治学研究和国际关系研究共同关注的热点问题。对于全人类而言,只要进行历史的反思,就离不开对历史上那些帝国兴亡经验和教训的反思。帝国与国家、民族、大国、霸权等概念既存在联系,又有着本质区别。帝国既是一个由不同属国组成的国家权力体系,也是一个由若干国家组成的等级秩序体系,通常还是一个相对独立的国际秩序体系。帝国产生的根本动因就是夺取其他国家和其他民族的物质利益,这种行为常会被冠以“共同繁荣”、“地区安全”、“生存空间”等名义。从世界各国的政治历史看,国家产生后必然导致帝国的出现,而对外扩张征服是否有利可图与国内民主法治制度两个因素是避免一个国家从强国走向帝国的关键。对于帝国的兴衰而言,社会政治制度安排往往要比军事力量、科技水平和经济实力更为重要。帝国体系在世界历史上延续了数千年,已经形成了一种强大的惯性和难以割离的政治遗产,人类社会也总会存在对帝国梦想和帝国秩序的怀念。帝国主义虽然将长期存在,但帝国的历史命运已经终结。作为一个趋势的全球化进程不可逆转,因此倡导一种民主的、公正的、透明的、平等的和共赢的全球治理,才是解决全球...     

2002世界杯对韩国旅游的长期影响

一对旅游目的地形象的影响 1.目的地知名度的提高 韩国作为旅游目的地,其知名度的提高主要是通过以下途径:第一,通过媒体对世界杯的报道,韩国旅游信息也通过这一渠道到达潜在旅游市场,提高了韩国在这些市场上的知名度;第二,通过韩国旅游机构的专门海外促销团、说明会、举办"韩国之夜"活动以及通过媒体播放韩国旅游广告等形式提高了知名度.     

试论欧盟的全球治理理念、实践及影响——基于全球气候治理的分析

本文在梳理全球治理理念形成的时代背景及其基本内涵的基础上,考察欧盟的知识与政治精英对全球治理理念的理解,分析欧盟参与全球治理的途径,并以欧盟参与全球气候治理为例讨论欧盟在全球治理过程中的作用与影响。文章认为,冷战终结之后形成的全球治理理念既是对当前全球化客观进程的理性反映,也是对全球化世界中人们应对全球性问题的理性指导,而欧洲一体化则与全球治理的理念和实践有着很高的契合度。因此,欧盟从其自身利益出发,依据自身的经验积极参与全球治理,以期在当前国际体系的转型过程中增强影响力,并在全球化世界中扮演领导者角色。     

2002世界杯对韩国旅游的长期影响

一对旅游目的地形象的影响1.目的地知名度的提高韩国作为旅游目的地,其知名度的提高主要是通过以下途径:第一,通过媒体对世界杯的报道,韩国旅游信息也通过这一渠道到达潜在旅游市场,提高了韩国在这些市场上的知名度;第二,通过韩国旅游机构的专门海外促销团、说明会、举办“韩国之夜”活动以及通过媒体播放韩国旅游广告等形式提高了知名度。     

新资本主义史与美国史研究的新趋向——再论《棉花帝国》

(新)资本主义史是当代美国史学研究的一个新兴前沿领域,近年来已经涌现出了大量论著,其中哈佛大学贝克特的《棉花帝国:一部全球史》一书影响最大,被视为该领域的主要代表作。该书旨在以棉花商品的全球史为例重新解释资本主义的发展,探讨资本主义史的本质,并着重强调乡村、奴隶制、暴力、国家在全球资本主义的兴起和发展过程中的重要作用。新资本主义史研究的兴起代表了当代美国史研究的最新和最重要的一种转向,但其中的一些研究方法也受到了经济学家等学者的质疑和挑战。     

太平洋战争时期日本的文化政策及其对菲律宾和印尼的影响

日本在发动太平洋战争前提出了一项在东方建立殖民大帝国的侵略计划——“大东亚共荣圈”计划。根据这计划,日本将建立以日本为中心,“满”、华为基础,包括东南亚地区在内的大东亚新秩序,以促进以上国家的“共存共荣”。为实现这个野心勃勃的侵略计划,日本在整个战争过程中制定了一系列政治、经济及文化方面的政策。尽管日本在占     

全球结构冲突与美国霸权的合法性危机--解读伊拉克战争后的世界政治

本文以全球化为背景,分析了伊拉克战争的性质、特点及其与全球权力结构的关系.作者认为伊拉克战争不是海湾战争的延续,而是一场新型的全球化战争.伊拉克战争在一定程度上动摇了国际法体制,但不会出现所谓的战后新世界.伊拉克战争具有的特点及其体现的全球结构冲突,在今后一段时期内仍将决定世界政治的发展方向,而这种世界政治的发展方向将使美国的世界霸权遭遇更大的合法性危机.     

Facing Globalization: More Social Capital and the Ability to Act as a Global Player as Response from the EU

Some people think that more unfettered competition in the form of competition of systems is needed to respond to globalization. Federalists, on the other hand, think that a European polity should be based on the principles of autonomy, cooperation, subsidiarity and participation. Essential to the future competitiveness of Europe will be the accumulation of social capital. Social capital is the propensity of people to cooperate for common purposes. Its main features are social justice, trust, civic engagement and tolerance. A federal structure and a reformed welfare state would best fit the accumulation of social capital. But internal structural adjustment of Europe is not sufficient. The EU, as the world's largest economic entity, should acquire the capacity to actively influence the ongoing process of globalization according to its own values and interests. Therefore, the EU should become a global player. But a “global player EU” is not possible until member states can agree to further integration of “high politics”.     

Neoliberalism and the future world

The persistence of illiberal or predatory systems of political and social power in circumstances where neoliberal market economies have advanced rapidly is often explained in terms of the last-ditch resistance of vested interests, weak institutions, or an absence of social capital. In contrast, this study argues that these seeming paradoxes are often integral to a process of neoliberal reform in that they enable the expropriation of public assets and policy agendas necessary for the emergence and consolidation of powerful private interests. At another level, the rise of neoconservative policy agendas and the blurring of state-business relations within the neoliberal camp itself may be seen to undermine the epoch of neoliberalism. This article argues that the shift toward various manifestations of empire is a political response to crises designed to preserve those hegemonic relations established by neoliberal agendas. These various mutations of markets' predatory oligarchies, illiberal politics, and empire possess a substantial internal coherence.     

Religion,demography, and politics in Lebanon

A devastating earthquake hit Istanbul and its environs shortly after noon on 10 July 1894. Although seismic disturbances were quite frequent in the long history of the Ottoman capital, the imperial city had not witnessed such violent tremors in more than a century. Hundreds of people died and thousands more were injured as a result of the complete or partial collapse of private dwellings, mosques, churches, synagogues and other public buildings. The earthquake of July 1894 hit the seat of the Ottoman government during a period of rapid socio-cultural change and shortly before the empire faced one of its worst crises in the late nineteenth century. As may be expected, many people in the Ottoman lands sought an explanation to the calamity that befell the inhabitants of the capital and neighbouring regions. Some could draw on long-standing interpretive traditions that were primarily either theological in nature or based on classical naturalist theories. However, the Ottoman intelligentsia rejected such explanations out of hand. The Ottoman response to the earthquake mirrored the similar embrace of science's authority and adoption of scientific methods and tools in many other contemporary societies. The process of the expansion and globalization of scientific knowledge expanded beyond the boundaries of Europe and its colonies. Science and technology were widely perceived to be the measure of civilization and modernity. The Ottoman intelligentsia and political elite were therefore invested in helping the Ottoman Empire meet standards that were set in Europe and North America but also achieved quite successfully in Japan. They seized upon the earthquake of 1894 to disseminate knowledge of modern earth sciences and implement new methods of scientific study of seismic events in the Ottoman lands.     

Globalization and Pension Reform in Latin America

While financial globalization has created powerful incentives for Latin American governments to privatize old age pension systems, reliance on short-term capital flows has also constrained the ability of cash-strapped governments to enact that reform. Analysis of the technocratic process of pension reform in Argentina and Brazil provides evidence. Instead of simply generating unidirectional pressures for structural pension reform, financial globalization has created a double bind for Latin America's capital-scarce governments, fostering long-term incentives to privatize pension systems while heightening the risk of punishment in the short term.     

帝国研究视角下的苏联解体研究

苏联的建立与演进,似乎都与"帝国"有复杂的关联性。其前身——俄罗斯帝国是典型的陆上帝国。苏联成立后坚持反帝立场,但之后逐渐演变成为一个"社会帝国主义"国家。其标志就是形成了核心—边缘的帝国结构体系,以苏联统治中枢莫斯科及俄罗斯为核心,向外形成了三层边缘地带,其中第一层是苏联的加盟共和国,第二层是中东欧华约成员国,第三层是在亚洲和美洲的经互会成员国。苏联解体实际上是"帝国终结"历史的一个组成部分,是一次迟来的非殖民化,也是人类历史发展的自然进程。这方面的具体原因至少有以下三个:其一,苏联领导人对当时局势的认识及判断和采取的对策及政策;其二,边缘地区民族主义产生了重要的动员和发动作用;最后,"帝国的负担"成为难以承受的现实负担。     

Reviews

Adopting a comparative historical approach informed by Marxist theory of imperialism, this study demonstrates the tendencies toward conflict between past and present rising and declining imperial powers. In the present context the study compares and contrasts two types of imperialism: a highly militarised US empire based on wars and territorial occupations and a market-driven Chinese empire driven by an alliance of state, foreign and national capital. Both imperial systems are influenced by “overseas” diasporas. In the case of the USA, an internal Zionist power configuration loyal to Israel subordinates Washington's Middle East policies to the economically prejudicial interests of a militarist state (Israel), while in the case of China the overseas diaspora facilitates and promotes investments and trade enhancing China's dynamic economic expansion. The emerging contradictions between and within the two conflicting styles of empire building, point to the need for a social transformation, enhancing the power and position of labour against the Zionised state and speculative economy in the USA and the new plutocrats in China.     

Financial liberalization in South Korea

This article analyzes the process of financial liberalization in South Korea from the perspective of financial globalization through an international political economic approach. Korean financial liberalization has been highly influenced by the outside pressure of the United States, the OECD and the IMF, as well as by the big business conglomerates (chaebols), as a powerful domestic interest group. In a broad perspective, South Korea's entrance into the OECD, the Financial Services Agreement under the WTO and the Structural Adjustment Program of the IMF after the 1997 financial crisis were important moments for Korea's financial reforms. There are two viewpoints on the causes of the Korean financial crisis. From a domestic viewpoint, South Korea had a weak financial market system and its financial liberalization process was too premature to create a stable financial market when Korea met the financial crisis. In a globalization perspective, financial globalization intrinsically encourages uncontrollable short-term financial capital flows across borders, thus financial crisis is inevitable regardless of a strong or weak domestic financial system. This article compares these two viewpoints in the case of South Korea.     

The Plants of Empire: Botanic Gardens,Colonial Power and Botanical Knowledge

In this article, the multifaceted relationship between colonial power and scientific knowledge is analysed. The specific focus is on untangling the contested and symbiotic connections between colonialism and the emergence and consolidation of aspects of botanical science. Colonial imperatives and the social consequences of colonial rule in India constituted the context for the idea and project of botanical gardens that facilitated the global transfer of a variety of plants to India. It was in the process of dealing with the problems of the transfer of plants across very diverse ecological and social contexts that natural history was eventually transformed into formal botanical science both in India and in Europe. Particular forms of scientific knowledge and institutions were indispensable for the consolidation of empire even as they facilitated new imperial concerns and projects that constituted the structural context for the development of new forms of scientific knowledge, practices, institutions and power. Without reducing science to nothing more than an appendage of colonial power and imperatives, the significance of empire in the rise of botany as a formal science is analysed in this article.     

东亚经济一体化与中国的国家利益

冷战结束后,国际政治、经济环境发生了巨大的变化.在此背景下,实现区域经济一体化逐渐提上东亚各国的政治议程,特别是在东南亚金融危机爆发后,在东亚国家政府的推动下,东亚经济一体化进程明显加快.本文认为,国家利益具有复杂的内涵和结构,国家采取外部行动的时候,并不总是追求国家利益的最大化,国家利益的结构优化和合理化亦是国家的首要目标.东亚经济一体化有助于中国实现国家利益结构的优化,而只有逐步转变国家利益的传统观念,建立起合作的、注重区域整体利益的国家利益观,才能保障东亚经济一体化的顺利发展.     

Singapore's cultural policy and its consequences

Abstract

This article explores the effects of Singapore's Global City for the Arts project on the local theater industry. It begins by describing the character of the Singapore state and its ability to meet the challenges of globalization. It then shows that while historically global in orientation, the city-state's early cultural policies were resolutely local and insular prior to the economic recession in 1985. From that year on, local arts and culture was driven by an economic rationale — eventually culminating in the birth of a globally oriented national cultural policy: the Global City for the Arts project. The author contends that the Global City for the Arts project has pressured the Singapore state into shedding some of its authoritarian practices in order to conform to international norms. However, the author also illustrates how certain theater companies with the requisite cultural capital for the Global City for the Arts project have benefited from the country's cultural policies while others that do not possess such cultural capital are marginalized. The article concludes by arguing that the Singapore state, in going global, exacerbates the economic disparity by accentuating preexisting inequalities and divisions in the local.