The 2009 Landtag Election in Saxony

The Landtag election in Saxony was one of three elections for state parliaments, all taking place on 30 August 2009. Out of the three, it was the one where there was little doubt that the CDU would, once again, appoint the next Prime Minister. Aside from the lack of surprise in the election outcome, this election had some historic moments. After the right-wing NPD was able to re-enter the Saxon Landtag, Saxony is the only German state parliament with six party parliamentary groups present. Further, turnout at this election was 52 per cent, an all-time low. The election ended Saxony's grand coalition and established its first CDU–FDP coalition. Within two weeks after the election, the new coalition contract was negotiated and the new government was sworn in so as to present a clear signal to national voters that a black and yellow coalition was a good and workable alternative to the grand coalition in the German Bundestag as well.     

Obituary: THE LATE SIR DOUGAL MALCOLM

This tribute by Mr. Amery to an old friend was written onlya few days before he himself died at his London home at theage of 81. Although Mr. Amery did not play an active part inthe affairs of the Royal African Society his name was a householdone to its members as, indeed, it was in every institution connectedwith the Commonwealth. His loss was felt as keenly by the Societyas it was by any, and it surely is not out of place that weshould record it, however briefly-here. Spare, dynamic, directand indefatigable, few statesmen have signed the face of Commonwealthhistory with -such vivid devotion to highest principles.     

Egyptian Intellectuals in the Shadow of British Occupation

The 1930s bore witness to a turning point in the work of several important Egyptian intellectuals who were recognized for their Western inclinations. In light of the British presence in Egypt—which was accompanied by internal problems such as the economic crisis and the abrogation of the constitution by Prime Minister Sidqi—these intellectuals turned to Islamic-oriented writings. Their work was characterized by an anti-Western tone, and the general underlying message was that Europe was attempting to oppress as well as ‘westernize’ Islamic heritage. A claim that was frequently voiced by intellectuals was that orientalism, under the façade of scientific research, was consciously being used as a tool for undermining Islam as part of the cultural war between the East and West. The present article surveys the statements that were articulated on this topic by several of the era's most prominent Egyptian thinkers.     

Bemerkungen zur reform des Reichsjustizwesens in der Zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts

Summary

Voltaire and the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688

From the start of his career Voltaire was pro‐English. Britain was for him the country of a ‘sage liberté’ which was the beneficial result of the civil wars. His contacts with the British community in Paris and the exiled Lord Bolingbroke help explain why he sought refuge in London after his imprisonment and his subsequent passion for English institutions. Voltaire's view of institutions was not always very accurate; he only saw the positive side and, intentionally or not, concealed a great deal. The religious foundation of the English character escaped him, as did the agrarian problems. For him the regime of 1689 constituted a constitutional ideal; the balance it achieved was a perfection to whose defects he was blind.

Voltaire had always been split between his admiration for the English system and his respect for the ‘enlightened’ work of Frederick the Great and Catherine Il. He inclined, especially towards the end of his life, towards England. He was one of the originators of a current, still very much alive in France, of an anglophilia of the left’. But the undeniable weakness in Voltaire's thought was his failure ever to ask how far the representative government he so admired was capable of being practised by the French.     

艾森豪威尔政府的对华禁运政策

艾森豪威尔政府时期,美国对华政策为全面遏制思想所主导,因此,在欧洲盟国废除“巴统”管制体系中的“中国差别”的情况下,美国依然单独坚持对华禁运政策。     

Developing an entrepreneurial culture in Singapore: Dream or reality

The Anglo-Nepali War of 1814 to 1816 was one of Britain's least distinguished military performances. It was just about a victory, but it produced no heroic feats and thus it was duly forgotten by the Victorians as it failed to fit into the cult of imperialism and the British Raj. But subsequently, as the exploits of Empire became unfashionable, the wars dear to the Victorians were forgotten. But the memory of the Anglo-Nepali War was resurrected as it formed an integral part of the enduring legend of the Gurkhas.     

詹姆斯·威尔逊与美国宪法

詹姆斯·威尔逊是美国独立、制宪时期的著名政治家、法律家,曾担任大陆会议代表,签署过《独立宣言》,并参与了费城制宪,对制定1787年宪法贡献颇大。他还领导了宾夕法尼亚州批准新宪法的斗争,促使宪法顺利通过。宪法生效后,他又出任最高法院大法官,担任费城学院法学教授,解释和传授新宪法。威尔逊在苏格兰长大,深受苏格兰启蒙思想影响。从他对宪法的理解可以看出,苏格兰启蒙思想也是美国宪法的重要思想渊源。     

Narrating a Global Crisis from Guayaquil in Real Time: Early Literary Responses to the COVID-19 Outbreak in Latin America

This article identifies and provides initial insight into the early literary responses to the COVID-19 outbreak in Latin America. It focuses on the case of Guayaquil, the epicentre of the pandemic in Ecuador, to examine how writers responded to the health emergency in real time by using online platforms. I argue that, while the virus was spreading, the death toll was rising, and the lockdown was at its most severe, a body of writing deeply engaged with the crisis was taking shape in digital outlets. Its study enables a uniquely contextual understanding of the global crisis from a Latin American perspective.     

Agrarian conditions in Luzon prior to martial law

Abstract

One hot day in May 1970, I sat with several villagers on a dusty road in the village (barrio) of San Ricardo in Central Luzon. The peasants had been describing how arduous life was and how difficult it was to do anything politically to improve the situation. Then one peasant who was a member of the MASAKA, a local peasant union, said “You know, we in the MASAKA wouldn't be totally surprised if martial law were declared in order to wipe out groups like ours who are seeking justice for people.” This was a prophetic statment indeed—said over two years before martial law in fact was declared. In order to understand better the statement and those who believed it, one must understand some major aspects of rural conditions in Luzon since World War II.     

从佐藤春夫的《星》看近代日本的中国想象

佐藤春夫的中国题材作品《星》是以中国闽南地区的民间传说"陈三五娘"为框架改编而成的,该作不仅寄寓了佐藤春夫个人的情感体验,同时也阐发了他的"东洋"美学。文章通过《星》与"陈三五娘"故事原型的比较分析发现,该作对"陈三五娘"故事做出3处改动,从中可见,第一、佐藤春夫的中国趣味仅仅是他的亚洲意识的载体;第二、东西二元对立的思维方式成为他的中国观的认知基础;第三、他依据达尔文的进化论这一西方近代主义的认知模式评价中国、判断价值优劣。由此可见,"中国"在近代日本历史上被严重地符号化乃至意识形态化,成为近代日本知识人试图对抗西方文明入侵,实现自我认同的手段和工具。     

“Perfidy Afoot!” Connor,the IEA and the Loans Affair

When the International Energy Agency (IEA) was established out of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 1974, Australia was not among its founding members. Indeed, it was opposed to its formation and even contemplated voting in the OECD to block its establishment. A single negative vote under the “mutual agreement” rule would have done so. This paper, based on archival research, explores the reasons for this course of action and shows that the decision was linked to the resource nationalism at the time of Minister Rex Connor and his fear that supporting it might jeopardise his attempts to raise non-equity finance in the Middle East. This article shows that this previously unanalysed decision was connected to what became known as the “Loans Affair” that brought about Connor's demise and contributed to the downfall of the Whitlam Government.     

‘To Recognise,or not to Recognise’: Macmillan’s Yemen Arab Republic question

The Macmillan government's dilemma over whether to grant diplomatic recognition to the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) following a coup in 1962 was finely balanced. Hitherto, though, the literature on this specific issue has neither reflected the complexity of issues with which the British government was confronted nor offered a satisfactory explanation of its ultimate non-recognition of the YAR. Some scholars suggest that London was immediately and consistently opposed to granting recognition; others attribute the decision to fear of Nasserism and a determination to maintain Britain's colonial interests in the Persian Gulf. This article contends differently. Drawing upon newly declassified information it first reveals in fuller detail the array of issues and interests that the Macmillan government was confronted by and sought to balance. It then proceeds to demonstrate that the Macmillan government was not unwaveringly against according recognition to the YAR and that whilst important, the influence of the Aden Group and its sympathisers in government was not decisive. Instead, irresolution within the government resulted in an event-driven policy that arrived ultimately at non-recognition of the YAR by default rather than by design.     

The Future of Eritrea

The fate of Eritrea was left open in the 4-Power talk in Paris,and this articles may help to explain the reasons. It is anabridgement of a lecture at a meeting with the Royal EmpireSociety of the 29th May. Brigadier Longrigg was Administratorbetween 1942–4, and he has written a History of Eritrea,which was reviewed in our last number.     

也论差猜时期泰国的印支政策

柬埔寨问题产生后 ,印支政策是泰国外交政策的核心。差猜上台后实施的“战场变商场”政策因其变化性而受到广泛关注。该政策既反映了泰国政治变迁 ,又表现出泰国外交政策的继承性 ,同时亦展现了泰国的地区雄心。实质上 ,差猜时期泰国的印支政策是“双轨政策” ,即“一轨”为“战场变商场”政策 ,另“一轨”是 :以外长西提为首的泰国外交部实施 (与东盟集体政策一致 )的政策。双轨政策实质上反映了泰国国家利益 (远期与近期 )的分歧与协调及国家利益与东盟地区利益的分歧与协调。     

Afghanistan in the Great War

The period of the Great War in Afghanistan was one of the most transformational periods of her entire history. Less than a year after the end of the Great War, both Afghanistan and her relations with the rest of the world had changed forever. The article covers Afghanistan and the outbreak of war, the Niedermayer-Hentig mission from Germany, pressure on the frontier and at court, and the aftermath of the Assassination of Amir Habibullah. At Kabul, the emergence of a ‘War Party’, which favoured the declaration of war on India on the side of the Central Powers, caused difficulties for Habibullah's attempt to remain neutral. Although the War Party was to have some support from the Niedermayer-Hentig Mission to Kabul, it was never strong enough to act until the Great War itself was over. On the other side of the frontier, the tribes were expecting to be called to fight at any moment. Keen to raid into the plains, they initially moved too early and were rebuffed but low-level tribal activity took place all over the frontier, though not at the intensity seen in previous large uprisings. At the same time, the Indian Army was taking out the best troops to send to Europe and other fronts, leaving a comparatively small force to protect the frontier. Large scale response to tribal raiding was not possible but the Indian Army was able to deploy aeroplanes, artillery and machine guns as force multipliers to help make up for the lack of fighting men. The cumulative experience was one of change which needed to be understood and accommodated in short order. Men like Sir Denys Bray of the Foreign Department and Mahmud Tarzi and Abdul Quddus Khan in Kabul were able to do this and, in so doing, facilitated Afghanistan's emergence to independence and nationhood.     

Ahmad Amin and nationalism

With the breakup of the Soviet Union at the end of the Cold War, three republics in the South Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan) achieved independence for the second time during the twentieth century. Their first experience was contentious and short-lived, had little or no support from the Western powers and was brought to end by the newly formed Soviet Union with the tacit approval of Turkey. While Georgian, Armenian and Azerbaijani national aspirations were quashed in the early post-First World War era, Zionism was given encouragement with the establishment of the Palestine Mandate. When Israel was established it was given immediate recognition by the Soviet Union, but most Jews from Georgia and Azerbaijan – Armenia's population was very small in comparison – only made their way to Israel during the last years of the Cold War. On the other hand, following the Second World War, some members of the Armenian Diaspora, including those in the Arab world, immigrated to the Soviet Union. While Soviet-Israeli relations had been strained since the Six-Day War, the end of the Cold War not only brought better ties between Russia and Israel, but it allowed Israel to establish relations with the other successor states of the former Soviet Union. Many of those countries sought ties with Israel (and the other Western states) to insure their continued independence from Russia, while, at the same time, Arab-Israeli relations improved and Turkey and Israel drew closer together. Iran was regarded with suspicion by Azerbaijan and along with Georgia, which wanted to enhance its ties with the West, drew closer to Turkey. Both countries have benefited from the transport of oil. Jews from Georgia and Azerbaijan have kept close connections with their former countries, where anti-Semitism was never the problem it was in Russia. Armenia has remained the closest to Russia with its conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno Karabakh and its distrust of Georgia. However, Armenians experienced genocide at the hands of the Ottomans and have sought support from Israel over that issue.     

'To move or not to move': Reflections on the resettlement of artisanal miners in the Western Region of Ghana

This article critically reflects upon the shortcomings of the‘Prestea Action Plan’, an ambitious initiative undertakento facilitate the resettlement of artisanal miners operatingin the Western Region of Ghana. The aim of the exercise wasto identify viable areas for the thousands of operators whowere working illegally in the town of Prestea, an area underconcession to the US-based multinational, Golden Star ResourcesLtd. At the time of its launch, it was one of the few supportinitiatives to target artisanal miners, whose claims to landare generally not recognized by governments. It was a particularlysignificant exercise in Ghana because it suggested that theauthorities, who traditionally have exercised a policy of non-negotiationwith such groups, had finally recognized that dialogue was neededif the growing rift between the country's indigenous artisanalminers, foreign mining companies and government bodies was tobe bridged. It soon emerged, however, that despite its commendablepolicy objectives, the Plan was fundamentally flawed—problemswhich would undermine the entire exercise.     

Democracy Promotion versus Engagement with Iran

US President Barack Obama has tried two very distinct policy options in dealing with Iran. The engagement policy was designed to make a break with the past experience and re-start US-Iran relations on a positive footing. This approach was consistent with the advice offered to the new administration by Iran analysts and leaders of non-governmental organisations. The implication of the engagement policy, however, was sidelining the US commitment to democracy and human rights in Iran. This policy could offer little to the budding reform movement in 2009. The alternative policy of containment was not beneficial to the reform movement either. The policy shift at the end of 2009 was a response to Iran's failure to comply with the requirements of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The containment policy, manifested in the fourth round of UN-imposed sanctions on Iran, has led to a further entrenching of the hard-liners in the regime and intolerance of internal dissent.     

The curious case of Ahmed Necmeddin Bey: a look into the sociopolitical climate in Aintab on the eve of 1915

Ahmed Necmeddin Bey was the kaimakam (district governor) of Aintab in late July 1908. One day, however, Ahmed Necmeddin Bey was beaten by a group of Turks and Armenians in Aintab; his clothes torn, he was dismissed from his post and finally expelled him from the city. But what was the reason for this incident? Within the first year of the declaration of the Constitution, it was the most important event that occurred in the city. This particular incident calls for careful examination, for this significant event reflects how the Second Constitutional era and the new regime were perceived by Muslims and Armenians in Aintab on a local level. Additionally, it offers us some useful clues regarding how the Union and Progress Party as a political organization and its policies were received on a local scale. By studying this case, it is also possible to see a clear example of how ordinary Ottoman citizens reacted towards the revival of the Constitution.     

Language shift in Lithuania, 1850–1900: A reinterpretation

Abstract

The second half of the nineteenth century was a period of particularly intense linguistic change in Lithuania. This period has generally been viewed as one in which a shift was taking place among many speakers from Lithuanian to Polish, in such numbers that the very survival of the Lithuanian language was under threat. However, an alternate interpretation is possible when one considers that previous researchers failed to deal in sufficient complexity with important taxonomical, geographical, and sociological aspects of this alleged shift. This article proposes a reinterpretation of the sociolinguistic situation in Lithuania at that time, suggesting that the overall linguistic picture was much more stable than has often been supposed.