认真对待本土资源：论“变法”中的人民信访制度

一、法治的困境我国近代制度变迁的模式是变法型的,关于"变法"的含义,字典上的解释是:"指历史上当政者对国家的法令制度做自上而下的重大变革"。苏力老师认为:"我在本文中此称这种强调政府运用强制力规制经济和社会的法制建设模式为‘变法'模式。"自清末以降,中国一直采用变法(政府自上而下移植国外法律制度并运用强制力推行)的方式来进行社会变革的,并且相当一部份人一直认为:只有变法,中国才有出路,中国的法制才能走向现代化。往往忽视了对本土的制度的研究,现在我们反思当初的想法,发现已经不适宜了。原     

信息公开的制度供给与需求分析

制度变迁有需求主导型和供给主导型两种模式,分别表现为 自下而上或自上而下的向度,其间非政府主体和政府主体扮演着不同的角色。 从信息公开制度的变迁看,西方主要国家呈现为前一种模式,在我国后一种模式 的成分更多。从制度供给和制度需求的关系分析,如果供需不平衡、差异过大, 可能会影响到制度的变革。     

从司法现代化的视角看中国陪审制度

一、法制现代化、司法现代化与陪审制度 法制现代化，按照公丕祥教授的解释，就是法制从传统型向现代型的历史变革，是人类法律文明的成长与跃进过程，是一个从人治社会向现代法治社会的转型过程．它包含了人类法律思想、行为及其实践各个领域的多方面进程。世界各国的法制现代化，以其最初的动力来源为尺度，可以分为内发型、外发型和混合型三种模式。内发型法制现代化。是指由社会自身力量产生的内部创新、经历漫长过程的法律变革道路，     

行政许可法：中国当代行政法治理念的总结与深化

行政许可法对我国 1 0多年来的行政法治经验尤其是法治政府的构成要件进行了总结 ,从法律上确立了有限政府、透明政府、法制统一政府、守信政府等基本理念。同时 ,也在立法模式、制度功能的发挥与弊端的抑制、行政许可的程序制度设计和法律责任等方面体现了行政法治理念的进一步深化     

论我国法治发展中公民参与的价值及其实现

自党的十五大明确把“依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家”作为党的基本治国方略确定下来之后 ,如何卓有成效地推进中国法治一直是人们关注的焦点问题。进入 2 1世纪的中国 ,对此问题的科学回答和成功实践显得尤为迫切。从实践上看 ,由于历史与现实的原因 ,中国选择的基本上是一条政府主导型的法治发展模式 ;从理论上看 ,有的学者对此模式持完全赞成态度 ,也有的学者则主张依靠公民社会推动或自然演进 ,基本上否定了上述模式 ,还有的学者反对极端化的做法 ,提出政府与公民社会力量的相互结合。本文认为 ,正确认识公民参与法治发展的价值、参与…     

法制的进化与中国法制的变革——走向法治之路

法制的进化与中国法制的变革——走向法治之路蔡定剑本文从阐述人类社会法制进化的一般规律出发，分析了中国法制发展的历史进程。指出由于实行社会主义市场经济改革，中国法制正处于从传统迈向现代化的历史变革时期，中国首先需要实现法律精神的现代化，并依现代法精神对...     

论社会管理创新与中国法治发展模式变革的契合促动

由政府推进型法治发展模式向政府与社会互动型法治发展模式转变是当下中国法治变革的基本方向。市民社会的成长发育,既是法治发展所需的条件,也是法治模式变革的基本要求。社会管理创新与中国法治发展模式变革之间构成的条件式契合关系,不仅能够促进国家与社会关系的改良和市民社会的健康成长,而且对中国法治发展具有积极推进作用。同时,社会管理创新在推进中国法治模式变革过程中依然存在困境,其对法治发展的推进作用受到诸多因素制约。     

简析法治政府的评价标准

建设法治政府目标的提出,标志着我国政府治理理念和模式的一个巨大变革,即实现从人治政府向法治政府的转变。本文对法治的内涵、法治政府的应有理念进行了剖析,进而对法治政府的概念予以了界定;在此基础上提出对法治政府评价的若干标准,即职权法定、程序正当及救济渠道畅通。     

亨利二世司法改革新论

亨利二世司法改革是英国法制史上一次影响巨大而深远的历史变革.这次改革不但引领英国走上了一条独特的普通法之路,更重要的还在于开启了英国现代法治的历史之门.由于亨利二世的改革动因主要来自现实政治的需要,并非出于先见之明和精心设计,致使这次改革带有明显的实用性、权宜性,就此而言,亨利二世是英国现代法治的"不自觉"的开拓者.     

论法治政府之外在规定性

法治政府是我国政府自身建设的目标,是政府自我认识法律思维化的显著表征.从外延上看,法治政府是"法律人"之治,是具有政治权力合法性、政治行为规则性和政治关系稳定性的政府治理模式.     

英国二元化律师制度的近期发展与融合之争

英国实行独特的二元化律师制度,事务律师与出庭律师共同为社会提供法律服务,但二者在执业资格取得、出庭权、行业组织、晋升法官的机会等方面有着传统区分。自二十世纪六十年代末期以来,政府开始介入一直自律发展的律师业,制定和推行了一系列打破传统分界的立法与改革举措,由此引发了人们关于律师业是否应当融合以及最终能否融合的争议。或许是否融合只是表面现象,律师分立的传统行业规则带来的弊端才是促使政府推行改革的真正动力。     

清末法律改革何以如此艰难

鸦片战争以后,国家处在危亡之际,清政府进行了史无前例的全方位的法律改革,开启了中国法律近代转型的历史航程。由于内忧外患的紧迫形势,变法图强成为第一要务,而对法律自身的发展规律关注不够,清末法律改革进行得非常艰难。由于不是社会内部力量的推动,而是在社会外部力量的冲击下被迫进行的一次改革,造成了法律与传统文化契合的艰难。自从清代法律改革,中国法律近代化、现代化已演绎百余年,直到今天,如何实现中国传统文化与中国法律现代化之间的对接、契合,仍然是我们必须面对的重大理论、实践课题。     

IMF份额与治理改革方案的法律思考

2008年全球金融危机横行肆虐,危机救援急需之际,世界再次将目光聚焦到国际货币基金组织。基金组织所固有的法律缺陷,使其合法有效性日益遭到质疑,改革势在必行。金融危机在沉重打击全球经济的同时,也推动了全球治理模式和经济格局的转变,为基金组织法律改革提供了难得契机。2010年份额和治理改革方案在此背景下应运而生,该方案增加了份额总量,做出了利于发展中国家的份额调整,完善了治理模式。然而,方案受阻于美国国会无法按期生效,方案内容设计上也存在诸多不足。在未来,各国应协力推动方案在2014年底生效,并通过提升份额总量、修改份额公式、改革决策机构、完善治理模式等方式深化改革,确保基金组织的合法有效性,使其更好地为世界经济服务。     

政府与国有银行股权改革：问题、经验与建议

在国有银行股权改革进程中,政府是制度变迁的启动者、提供者,国有银行股权改革体现了政府主导、自上而下、由表及里、渐进式的逻辑特点。由此形成的政府与银行间＂惯性控制＂与＂惯性依附＂的非同寻常＂关系＂对法律产生了＂挤出效应＂,致使法律边缘化、纸面化,即＂法律失灵＂。因此,完善国有银行股权结构,关键是要信守法治理念,清晰地界定政府之于银行的边界,取消政府利用银行体系实现政府广泛政策目标的做法,允许银行根据商业目标做出贷款决策。     

Structural Reform Policy: Privatisation and Beyond—The Case of Greece

Privatisation, coupled with liberalisation and competition, constitutes one of the most popular policy options to improve the performance of state-owned enterprises. However, in Greece, it was only after 1991 that privatisation started to gain ground in the political and economic agendas of governments. Drawing upon the theoretical underpinnings of privatisation, the paper overviews and critically analyses the new legal framework on denationalisation in Greece. The paper argues that, though the modernisation of the legal regime is welcomed, the Greek government has failed to treat privatisation as part of wider structural reforms aiming at enhancing competition and foreign investment. The paper concludes that wider structural reforms, including regulatory reform and liberalisation, as well as combating corruption and bureaucracy and promoting transparent capital markets, are absolutely necessary in order to create a competitive environment, which would both complement and support privatisation efforts.     

政府部门人力资源管理改革之研究

政府部门的人力资源管理改革是国家行政体制改革的一个重要组成部分,关系到整个转轨时期社会、经济的稳步发展。而传统上政府部门人事工作所依据的国家公务员制度又多具原则性和抽象性,相比之下其可操作性和适用性都比较差。本文即是从这一现状出发,经过吸收西方最佳人力资源管理模式的研究成果,结合科学发展观,对政府行政组织的人力资源管理模式的改革提出了新的思路,这对于提高政府绩效以及进一步完善我国的国家公务员制度具有现实意义。     

The changing process and politics of health policy in Korea

Korea recently introduced three major health care reforms: in financing (1999), pharmaceuticals (2000), and provider payment (2001). In these three reforms, new government policies merged more than 350 health insurance societies into a single payer, separated drug prescribing by physicians from dispensing by pharmacists, and attempted to introduce a new prospective payment system. This essay compares the three reforms in Korea and draws important lessons about the country's changing process and politics of health care policy. The change of government, the president's keen interest in health policy, and democratization in the public policy process toward a more pluralist context opened a policy window for reform. Civic groups played an active role in the policy process by shaping the proposals for reform-a major change from the previous policy process that was dominated by government bureaucrats. The three reforms also showed important differences in the role of interest groups. Strong support by the rural population and labor unions contributed to the financing reform. In the pharmaceutical reform, which was a big threat to physician income, the president and civic groups succeeded in quickly setting the reform agenda; the medical profession was unable to block the adoption of the reform but their strikes influenced the content of the reform during implementation. Physician strikes also helped block the implementation of the payment reform. Future reform efforts in Korea will need to consider the political management of vested interest groups and the design of strategies for both scope and sequencing of policy reforms.     

The ‘illegal sentences which magistrates were daily passing’: The Backstory to Governor Richard Bourke's 1832 Punishment and Summary Jurisdiction Act in Convict New South Wales

Recent literature has recast the history of the British empire as a vast project of intervention in and reordering of colonial legal administrations. Closer inspection of local moments of legal reform, however, reveals substantial complications and contradictions in that project. This article re-considers Governor Richard Bourke's Punishment and Summary Jurisdiction Act 1832, the most celebrated legal intervention in the history of the ‘convict colony’ of New South Wales by a governor whose liberalism and humanitarianism epitomized the spirit of imperial reform agendas. The nature and objectives of Bourke's so-called Fifty Lashes Act are widely misunderstood. This article shows that while Bourke positioned his Act as a matter of legal urgency, its core aim was to render convict punishment more useful and economical. Moreover, Bourke's reforms were less innovative than is commonly assumed, being mostly required to re-assert and refine existing law that was being disregarded. Nevertheless, Bourke's reforms did address long-contested legal issues surrounding the summary jurisdiction of colonial magistrates and the local application of English transportation law. The backstory to the Act reveals the remarkably complicated and truly disordered state of the law in New South Wales, but this article also shows how the implementation of legal reform was seasoned with confusion and caution.     

Analysing the economic justification for the reforms to social welfare and family law legal aid

The Ministry of Justice plans on saving £450 million per annum from the legal aid budget through reforms contained in the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012.Over 60% of these savings will be found by removing whole areas of law and types of problem from the scope of legal aid support. One of the principal justifications for these reforms is the economic imperative; reducing legal aid expenditure is necessary to meet the Government's fiscal targets. This article examined whether these reforms will generate the substantial savings identified in the Government's impact assessment, or whether these costs will be passed on to other areas of government. Data from the Civil and Social Justice Survey were used to model the behavioural responses of people no longer eligible for legal aid under the scope changes. Economic costs were estimated for these responses where they will be incurred by the state, although many of these costs are likely to be underestimates. Many costs could not be estimated including, inter alia, the cost of increased criminality where people seek redress outside of the justice system. The analysis focused on family and social welfare law, which together represent 82% of the proposed savings from the scope reforms. Based upon this analysis, the Government is unlikely to save more than 40% of its prediction. At the same time, these minimal savings could generate inequality of access to justice and overburden an already struggling alternative advice sector. A significant uptake in funded mediation within family law is predicted.     

Beyond Sentencing Guidelines: Additional Functions for Intermediate Sentencing Entities

The first part of this two-part special issue on structured sentencing in the U.S. focused on individual jurisdictions and the relationship of five types of sentencing reforms to judicial discretion and to the political and legal forces that originated, maintained, altered or sometimes ended the reform. This issue moves the focus to a comparative one, looking across a variety of different jurisdictions to report common threads of advantage and disadvantage to the various structured sentencing systems. Originating in political and legal arenas, structured sentencing affects not only the sentencing process, but can itself affect the political process and the distribution of sanctioning discretion among the different branches of government.