共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Jennifer Jackson Preece 《政治学》1998,18(1):17-23
National minorities are collectivities who possess that trait which is the current normative underpinning of states, namely nationhood, and yet for practical purposes cannot enjoy outright political independence. Because national minorities bear these normatively significant characteristics they may be deemed to have legitimate international claims to certain special rights even if these fall short of statehood. Yet although this rationale may be logically sound and morally justified, pursuing it nevertheless raises serious problems with regard to state sovereignty. 相似文献
2.
Viewpoint: The Next Great White Fleet: Extending the Benefits of the International System into Space
Lieutenant Colonel Peter Garretson 《Astropolitics》2013,11(1):50-70
This article argues that what naval power was to the 17th century—knitting together separate trading systems and bridging new resources, wealth, mobility, and establishing an international system of trade that pulled various powers into the dominant power's orbit—space power can be for the 21st century. To this end, airmen must take a wider view of what strategic value the United States Air Force (USAF) can provide for the United States (U.S.) beyond support for warfighting. 相似文献
3.
Paul D. Senese 《American journal of political science》2005,49(4):769-779
Beginning with two prominent explanations of international conflict—one based on contiguity and the other on territory—I develop a new joint account that provides two important advancements over the prior explanations. I then test the expectations of this joint account on dispute and war onset for all dyad years from 1919 to 1995. I find strong support for its predictions at the dispute stage and partial support at the war stage, including marked evidence of contingency between contiguity and territory. The results also show territory to be a more consistent engine of conflict than contiguity, especially at the war onset stage. Further, the findings provide insights into the effects of contiguity among nonterritorial disagreements, as well as the effects of territorial strife among noncontiguous pairs. Thus, this investigation clarifies the relative importance of both territory and contiguity within any geography-based explanation of conflict behavior, and therefore has broadly interesting implications. 相似文献
4.
优化国土开发格局推动区域协调发展 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
在社会主义市场经济条件下,不同主体功能区同时也是相对独立的不同利益主体.我们必须尊重和体现等量投入获取等量收益及利润平均化的市场经济规律要求,优化国土开发,推动区域协调发展.为此必须选择以下发展战略:注重实现基本公共服务均等化;加强国土规划,完善区域政策,调整经济布局;遵循市场经济规律;加大对革命老区、民族地区、边疆地区、贫困地区发展的扶持力度,帮助资源枯竭地区实现经济转型;走中国特色城镇化道路,促进大中小城市和小城镇协调发展. 相似文献
5.
Philip A. Meek∗ 《Astropolitics》2013,11(2):111-122
For 21st century warfare, space is the unquestioned new high ground for military operations. The United States (U.S.) has relied on satellites for significant support to military operations and activities since Desert Storm in 1991. Indeed, the U.S. enjoys an asymmetric advantage in modern warfare utilizing our space capabilities. States with interests hostile to the U.S. believe that the significant dependence on space assets by the U.S. military could become its “Achilles heel” in future combat operations. What are the legal and policy bases for the U.S. to respond to threats to space systems that provide support to our military forces? Should the U.S. rely on space arms control initiatives to ensure security in space? This Viewpoint analyzes the international space law regime and U.S. National Space Policy framework applicable to the conduct of military space operations and activities, including the use of force in space to protect and defend our satellite networks as well as our military forces. 相似文献
6.
Gerie W. Palanca 《Astropolitics》2018,16(2):141-156
The number of objects in Earth’s orbit has continued to grow since the space race between the United States and the Soviet Union. The historical “few objects, large space” principle left satellite operations a relatively benign environment, but that construct has shifted significantly due to the advent of the commercial space sector, the small satellite industry boom, and the resurgence of the desire for human space flight. The regulations for space operations both at the international and national level have always been sparse, but there is a large desire for more now that commercial capital is at stake. The purpose of this article is to bring to the surface available regulations for on-orbit operations to identify the gaps to fill and highlight the change for the Department of Defense. The international community and commercial sector recognize the need for a state like the United States to set a standard to influence the international community. This national-to-international framework is a technique used in other arenas, such as maritime traffic management and air traffic management, and the lessons learned from these fields are applicable to the space domain. 相似文献
7.
邓小平的国情观作为邓小平理论的立论基础和重要组成部分,是唯实求真的国情观,是独特创新的国情观,是不断发展的开放的国情观。求实性、创新性和开放性是其主要特点。 相似文献
9.
Geoffrey Forden 《Astropolitics》2013,11(2):138-153
In January of 2007, China knocked one of its weather satellites out of orbit, and threw the international community into panic. Some figured the satellite-killer test was the harbinger of a future war in space that could cripple a technology-dependent United States military. This viewpoint examines the possibilities of a Chinese assault on American satellites. 相似文献
10.
谢海霞 《北京行政学院学报》2012,(5):94-97
作为国际法的主体,政府间国际组织在一国国内享有相应的特权与豁免。与国家主权豁免不同,国际组织豁免的主要理论依据是职能必要理论,这不仅体现在有关的国际法文件中,也体现在国内法中。国际组织在内国法院的豁免权问题,具有国际、国内双重性质,涉及到国际法在内国法的适用问题。同时,职能必要也是内国法院判定国际组织豁免权的重要标准,多数国际组织在内国法院一般享有绝对豁免权。 相似文献
11.
《政治学》1997,17(3):141-146
This article will examine the constituent elements of minority identity and the impact of minority issues on states and the international system. Focusing on central Europe, it will analyse the points of contact between minorities, and states and international organisations, considering the reasons why minority issues are excluded from the international agenda. 相似文献
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13.
There are numerous, well-organized policy communities in France, based upon specialized corps of senior administrative officials in symbiosis with the environment they are responsible for regulating and managing. They also derive their strength from the integration of the groups concerned in the policy process, allowing them to compensate for the weakness of their organization and social base by the privileged access and legitimacy they acquire. Nevertheless, the traditional way in which the policy process is structured is modified by the territorial shift (both local and international) in the arenas in which public policies are made. 相似文献
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15.
Adam Dodd 《Astropolitics》2018,16(1):75-95
Since the late 1940s, a tenacious disconnect between popular interest and professional disinterest in unidentified flying objects (UFOs) has typified the controversy surrounding the subject. Numerous high-profile scientists have seen the topic of UFOs as an opportunity to denounce and rectify a popular, yet allegedly misguided, conviction—that some UFOs are physical anomalies indicating the existence of extraterrestrial intelligence—and thus to advance the explanatory authority of science. Rather than constituting rigorous, informed, and effective assessments, however, the ways in which many prominent scientists publicly address the UFO question often exemplify both the problematic “boundary-work” of scientific discourse in this area and, more specifically, the role that logical fallacies can play in the rhetorical construction of scientific authority in public domains. Through a critical discourse analysis, this article argues that ignorance of UFO phenomena is socially and discursively constructed in ways that are conducive to the public faces of individuals and institutions. More broadly, it suggests that the rudimentary standard of science communication attending to the extraterrestrial intelligence (ETI) hypothesis for UFOs inhibits public understanding of science, dissuades academic inquiry within the physical and social sciences, and undermines progressive space policy initiatives. 相似文献
16.
This article builds on a Transparency International (TI)‐sponsored research study funded by the Dutch Government into the National Integrity System (NIS) in practice. The NIS is a framework approach developed by TI that proposes assessing corruption and reform holistically. The NIS not only looks at separate institutions or separate areas of activity or separate rules and practices, but also bases its perspective on institutional and other inter‐relationships, inter‐dependence and combined effectiveness. The study involved 18 countries, using in‐country researchers and an overview report. This article assesses the findings of the study to consider how the approach can work in practice, and what the approach can reveal about the causes and nature of corruption as well as the implications for reform. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
17.
《行政论坛》2020,(1):5-11
党的十九届四中全会把中国特色社会主义制度和国家治理紧密相结合,以一系列重大举措做出全面部署,为推进新时代伟大实践的创新发展指明了方向。从党的十八届三中全会到党的十九届四中全会,党中央聚焦坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的重大问题,实现了从制度建设到制度体系建构的思想飞跃。比较两次全会通过的"决定"和《决定》,党的十九届四中全会体现了国家治理现代化聚焦制度体系化的重要精神。治理国家是一项庞大的工程,国家治理是一个综合概念,这就对制度建构提出全面性、系统性、配套性、协调性的要求。根本制度、基本制度、重要制度以及具体制度构成中国特色社会主义制度体系的结构,坚持党的领导在结构层次关系上居于顶层地位。研究中国特色社会主义制度体系结构的层次关系,目的是为促进制度优势转化为国家治理效能提供理论的诠释。新时代把制度体系优势转化为国家治理效能,必须在始终坚持党的领导的根本制度、回答好"坚持和巩固什么、完善和发展什么"的重大政治问题、坚定制度自信、提高领导干部使命担当的素质和本领、注重制度体系建构、建构急需制度和必备制度等主要任务上形成思想统一和行动一致。 相似文献
18.
彭新武 《北京行政学院学报》2011,(6):82-86
建设创新型国家作为中国社会新时期的发展战略,其内涵不仅仅局限于技术和微观经济制度的创新层面,更需要一种全方位的社会制度的变革和观念的革新.要大力提升整个社会的自组织能力,推动整个社会的管理体制、生产和生活方式的变革;要适应时代的复杂性和不确定性,探索创新的内在规律,建立一种学习型战略,增进战略思维能力. 相似文献
19.
我们党根据中国特色社会主义建设最新实践的启示,总结探索发展问题的经验教训,创造性地将发展思想概括为科学发展观,并把科学发展观作为我国21世纪发展的指导思想。从马克思主义哲学的角度来认识,科学发展观具有创新品质、科学品质和系统性特征。 相似文献