Kalecki's theories of economic growth and ‘Development’

“We are ‘planners’ today, although very different in character.”

Michal Kalecki

“Perhaps some people have been sceptical of Kalecki's contribution to the history of economic theory because he did not demand recognition himself. Such dignified behaviour is rare in this degenerate age.”

Joan Robinson

     

Neo-Marxist approaches to development and underdevelopment

“… But (the Western European Capitalist countries) are not completing this development [towards socialism] as we previously expected they would. They are completing it not through a steady ‘maturing’ of socialism, but through the exploitation of some states by others …”

-Lenin, Better Fewer, But Better (his last article), 1923.

“… There are two types of capitalism — capitalism of the imperialist countries and colonial capitalism … In the colonies capitalism is not a product of local conditions and development, but is fostered by the penetration of foreign capital.”

-Trotsky, speech at the 3rd anniversary of the Communist University of the Toilers of the East, 1924.

     

American sociologists on Indonesia - A comment

“Liberalism manifests itself in various ways. To let things slide for the sake of peace and friendship when a person has clearly gone wrong, and refrain from principled argument because he is an old acquaintance, a fellow townsman, a schoolmate, a close friend, a loved one, an old colleague or old subordinate. Or to touch on the matter lightly instead of going into it thoroughly, so as to keep on good terms.”

Mao Tse-tung, Combat Liberalism, September 7th, 1937.

     

East Asia's new economic integration strategy: Moving beyond the FTA

After the Asian currency crisis, a number of cooperative efforts within an ASEAN?+?3 (APT) framework and Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations between the countries were implemented side-by-side in East Asia.1 1. ASEAN?+?3 meetings were started in 1997 at the ASEAN 30^th anniversary meeting, to which Japan, Korea, and China were invited. Naturally, the motivation for regional cooperation was heightened in the face of the crisis. View all notes An East Asia Summit is scheduled for the end of 2005. If a summit were held, Japan, China, and Korea would be able to participate in regional cooperation along with ASEAN, as equal partners rather than guests, and the discussion about forming a community, the East Asia Community, would reach a new stage.2 2. The exact definition of “East Asian Community” is not necessarily clear, but at the ASEAN business investment summit in October 2004, Prime Minister Koizumi said in his speech that strengthening FTAs and other economic cooperation, implementing joint economic reforms, and closing the development gap were some of the issues that needed to be addressed when building a community. However, there has not been any discussion about the organization of the East Asian Community, such as establishment of treaties or an office. View all notes However, compared to the largely unobjectionable strengthening of “cooperation,” free trade under an official FTA might require adjusting various economic interests, and there is no guarantee that the merits of free trade will outweigh the costs of these adjustments.3 3. It is well known that WTO Article 24 is essentially an FTA agreement, requiring that “substantially all” trade restrictions be lifted within 10 years, but developing countries are exempt from this particular requirement through an enabling clause. The definition of “substantially all” is itself vague, and because of the enabling clause, the majority of FTAs between developing countries are limited to low-level FTAs. The FTA between China and ASEAN is also subject to an enabling clause. View all notes If for a number of reasons the FTA never goes beyond an APEC-style “voluntarism,” the East Asian economic integration on which the community will be built will be a long time coming. For integration to move steadily forward, a new approach is needed that is different from that of the West and that reflects the political and economic structure of East Asia. This paper addresses the issues and dilemmas that have emerged from the complex FTA negotiations in recent years, and proposes a new integrated approach that reflects the structure of East Asia.     

“Restorying” the Maternal Myth of Origin in Zami and Makeba: My Story

Myths are particularly important sources of alternative history for groups denied a place in mainstream culture.1 ¹ Humm, Practising Feminist Criticism.

I have, throughout my private war, been a she, a you, a Donna, a me, and finally, an I.2 ² See “Author's Note” in Williams, Nobody Nowhere. This observation (from 1992) suggests the model of transformation and “journey motif” that I examine with respect to Audre Lorde's and Miriam Makeba's autobiographies. See Lorde, Zami.      

Aurel Stein: a mentor for modern Central Asia

Brigadier Barney White‐Spunner has had a life‐long interest in the work of Sir Aurel Stein and, in 1993, he retraced Stein's first Central Asian journey along the edge of the Taklamakan Desert. In 2001, a regular soldier, he ran Kabul as commander of the Coalition Forces who entered the city after the fall of the Taliban regime and was able to restore Stein's grave which had been damaged in the fighting.

This article is based on a lecture delivered to the Society on Wednesday 22 October 2003.

Aurel Stein: a mentor for modern Central Asia

All authors

Barney White‐Spunner

https://doi.org/10.1080/0306837042000241064

Published online:

02 February 2007

Plate 1:?Sir Aurel Stein (Courtesy of John Murray Publishers)     

11.

From undeserved oblivion: a young American in Tibet – William Montgomery McGovern     

John Shipman 《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):162-171

On retirement from the Diplomatic Service, John Shipman served as Editor of Asian Affairs from 1995 to 1997. His previous contributions to the Journal include ‘Seen in Kashgaria’ (February 1998). He accompanied the Society's tours to Central Asia in 1990 and 1994, and visited Mongolia in 2002.

From undeserved oblivion: a young American in Tibet – William Montgomery McGovern

All authors

John Shipman

https://doi.org/10.1080/0306837042000241055

Published online:

02 February 2007

William Montgomery McGovern (Courtesy of The Century Company)     

12.

Racial Discrimination in Post-Apartheid South Africa: A New Irreducible “Other”?     

《Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies》2013,14(4):473-487

The xenophobia we see today is the same as the racism of the past.1 ¹?Zonke Majodina, Commissioner at the South African Human Rights Council, quoted in T. Mclachlan, “South Africa: Media ‘Simplistic’ When Writing On Race, Xenophobia.” Business Day, April 19, 2007.      

13.

The World Order and a New “Behemoth”     

Futoshi Matsumoto 《Asia-Pacific Review》2015,22(1):177-190

The emergence of “Islamic State” or “Daesh”¹1 The author prefers to use the name “Daesh” to indicate what is sometimes referred to as “Islamic State” so as not to provide a misguided perception of this group as something comparable to a sovereign state.View all notes as abbreviation of “Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham” in Arabic now poses a strategic challenge to the international community. Given a number of emerging issues such as “war” in the eastern states of Ukraine and assertive actions of China in East Asia, it requires a sober reflection on strategic thinking before embarking upon any tactical and operational measures vis-à-vis these challenges.

This article treats the critical value of the Westphalian order based on a sovereign state system by distinguishing three challenges we face at this juncture: namely Daesh, Russia, and China and suggests ways to fight Daesh from a strategic point of view.     

14.

Sport for Peace: A New Era of International Cooperation and Peace through Sport     

Zubaidullo Ubaidulloev 《Asia-Pacific Review》2018,25(2):104-126

“O Sport, You are Peace!

You forge happy bonds between the peoples

by drawing them together in reverence for strength

which is controlled, organised and self disciplined.

Through you the young of the entire world

learn to respect one another,

and thus the diversity of national traits becomes a source

of generous and peaceful emulation!”

Pierre De Coubertin (The founder of the modern Olympic Movement)

Sport is an excellent and powerful tool to promote peace, tolerance, and peaceful coexistence. Sport can bring together people of different ethnicities, nationalities, race, skin color, culture and religion. Sport promotes values, such as respect, honesty and cooperation. Sport has the power and ability to overcome the intercultural and political barriers. Sport can be the significant component of social integration. This article brings into the discussion the theme of sport for peace and a positive role of sport for international cooperation and peace. There is a limited amount of research and literature on the theme of sport and peace or sport for peace. The unique and positive power of sport for bringing about peace and peaceful solutions is not well researched and understood. Therefore, the reason for this article is to try to fill the gap in the existing literature on the theme of sport for peace and broaden the discussion about it. The article focuses on sport for peace initiatives implemented by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the United Nations (UN) and its agencies, like UNESCO, UNICEF, UNHCR and non-governmental organizations and international sport federations. The article also examines the sport for peace initiatives from Japan, in the example of the Sport for Tomorrow (SFT) Programme of the Japanese Government for Tokyo 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games and contribution by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in promoting and fostering friendship, cooperation, and peace in the world.     

15.

Fora de l'umbracle,de Joan Brossa: una petita revolució personal del maig del 68     

Glòria Bordons 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2014,20(3):243-257

Avui dia Joan Brossa és conegut sobretot per la seva poesia visual, però abans dels anys setanta poca gent sabia que el poeta i dramaturg català, tot i conrear-la des de 1941, tenia també una obra plàstica. El 1963 es produeix el primer transvasament de poesia visual dins un llibre de poesia literària: El saltamartí. Uns anys després, el 1968, Brossa compon Fora de l'umbracle, un autèntic aiguabarreig de poemes visuals i literaris que es converteix en el preàmbul de les publicacions visuals de l'any 70. L'article tracta d'aquest poemari, que romangué inèdit fins al 2012 i constitueix un autèntic reflex de l'esperit del maig francès del 68. El llibre és revolucionari perquè (a) inicia la revolució lletrista tipogràfica brossiana; (b) es fa ressò de la revolució política i social que el maig del 68 significà per a tota Europa; i (c) en gran mesura sintetitza la revolució poètica conceptual que Brossa havia començat el 1950 amb Em va fer Joan Brossa BrossaJ.1951. Em va fer Joan Brossa. Barcelona: Edicions Cobalto [Google Scholar]. D'una manera desprotegida (fora de l'umbracle) Brossa ens mostra la realitat despullada de l'Europa del 68 des de perspectives que van més enllà de les avantguardes europees de postguerra.1^?1. Aquest treball forma part del projecte “La poesia experimental catalana des de 1959 a 2004,” subvencionat pel Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación: FFI2010-18880 (subprograma FILO) i també ha rebut un ajut de l'Agrupació de Recerca de Ciències de l'Educació de la Universitat de Barcelona.     

16.

ASEAN at 40: Prospects for Community Building in Southeast Asia     

Noel M. Morada 《Asia-Pacific Review》2008,15(1):36-55

In 2007, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations attempted to celebrate its 40^th founding anniversary with a bang as it was about to set another milestone, which is the signing of the ASEAN Charter. However, the celebration was overshadowed by the political crisis in Myanmar following the military's crackdown on protesting monks and their democratic supporters. The inability of ASEAN to influence events in that country became the focus of public attention in the region and the international community. Even the much-vaunted milestone of finally having an ASEAN Charter was a major disappointment for many in Southeast Asia as the final document signed by ASEAN leaders was everything but bold, forward-looking, and transformative. It became an object of criticism mainly by some think tanks and civil society groups in the region because it paled in comparison to the recommendations of the Eminent Persons Group that drafted the blueprint of what the ASEAN Charter should look like.

This article describes the major milestones and turning points of ASEAN's regionalism project over the last forty years. It also attempts to identify the major issues and challenges to ASEAN's community building efforts in the future. The main argument of this article is that ASEAN's continuing relevance to the people of the region can be ensured only if it seriously opens up to greater participatory regionalism. Only then can ASEAN be transformed into a truly people-centered organization.     

17.

India in the Asia–Pacific: Rising Ambitions with an Eye on China     

Harsh V. Pant 《Asia-Pacific Review》2007,14(1):54-71

It is almost a conventional wisdom now that the centre of gravity of global politics has shifted from Europe to the Asia–Pacific in recent years with the rise of China and India, gradual assertion by Japan of its military profile, and a significant shift in the US global force posture in favour of Asia–Pacific. The debate now is whether Asia–Pacific will witness rising tensions and conflicts in the coming years with various powers jockeying for influence in the region or whether the forces of economic globalization and multilateralism will lead to peace and stability. Some have asked the question more directly: Will Asia's future resemble Europe's past?1 ¹See Aaron Friedberg, “Will Europe's Past be Asia's Future?” Survival, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Autumn 2000), pp. 147–159. View all notes It is, of course, difficult to answer this question as of now when major powers in Asia–Pacific such as China, India and Japan are still rising and grappling with a plethora of issues that confront any rising power in the international system. But what is clear is that all major powers are now re-evaluating their policy options vis-à-vis the Pacific.

This paper examines India's foreign policy in the Pacific as it has emerged on the last few years. First, the emerging balance of power in Asia–Pacific will be examined in light of the theoretical debate on the issue followed by a broad assessment of the role that India envisages for itself in the region. Subsequently, India's relationship with the three major powers in Asia–Pacific—China, Japan, and the US is analysed. Finally, some observations will be made about the future trajectory of Indian foreign policy in the region.     

18.

Are the Odds of Justice “Stacked” Against Them? Challenges and Opportunities for Securing Land Claims by Smallholder Farmers in Myanmar     

SiuSue Mark 《亚洲研究》2016,48(3):443-460

ABSTRACT

In 2012, the Government of Myanmar passed the Farmland Law and the Vacant, Fallow, Virgin Land Law, with an aim to increase investment in land through the formalization of a land market. Land titling is often considered “the natural end point of land rights formalization.”¹1 Hall et al. 2011 Hall, Derek, Philip Hirsch, and Tania Murray Li. 2011. Powers of Exclusion: Land Dilemmas in Southeast Asia. Singapore: NUS Press.[Crossref] , [Google Scholar], 35. A major obstacle to achieving this in Myanmar is its legacy of multiple regimes which has created “stacked laws.”²2 Roquas 2002 Roquas, Ester. 2002. Stacked Law: Land, Property and Conflict in Honduras. Amsterdam: Rozenberg. [Google Scholar], 11. This term refers to a situation in which a country has multiple layers of laws that exist simultaneously, leading to conflicts and contradictions in the legal system. This ambiguity is often manipulated by those who have more access to political and economic resources, particularly those who received large land concessions under the 1988–2010 military regime. In this context, this paper attempts to answer the question: In Myanmar, how do smallholder farmers engage with a stacked legal framework, which is ambiguous and unfairly applied, to defend themselves against land dispossession? The analysis seeks to contribute to the literature on the contest over land control and access through an analysis of how a stacked legal framework can be used to further disenfranchise farmers by elites, or on the contrary, by farmers to gradually reclaim this control through strategic political maneuvering.     

19.

The Zuma moment: between tender-based capitalists and radical economic transformation     

Ashwin Desai 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(4):499-513

ABSTRACT

The Jacob Zuma Presidency (2009–2017) was dogged by persistent allegations of corruption and the looting of State Owned Enterprises (SOE’s) by those allied to him. It led to allegations of state capture that placed the Gupta family at the centre of this project. These allegations have been highly contested, with Zuma supporters arguing that he has come under attack because of his support for the BRICS alliance (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), which they hold challenges Western imperial interests. Alongside this are those aligned to the Gupta family, arguing that the real culprits of state capture, both historically and in contemporary South Africa, is White Monopoly Capital (WMC), through its ability to determine macro-economic policy. At the heart of this contest is what has come to be known as tender-based capitalists who sought to use access to SOE’s for the accumulation of capital. This process has been defended on the basis that it has the potential to lead a radical economic transformation (RET) that that can challenge the power of WMC. Others have held that this argument is a mere fig leaf for the looting of state coffers, eroding its capacity for deeper developmental initiatives and fostering a parasitic class. This article that focusses on this debate that entered the heart of the African National Congress (ANC) and threatened to tear it apart takes the form of a conjunctural analysis; conjuncture defined as an amalgam ‘of circumstances, a convergence of events, an intersection of contingencies and necessities, a complex, overdetermined state of affairs-usually producing a crisis, leading to breaking point, driving to historic crossroads’ (Mowitt 2015 Mowitt, John. 2015. “In The Conjuncture.” In Cultural Critique. Vol. 89, 125–127. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. [Google Scholar], 125).     

20.

Regionalism and Crisis Prevention in (Western) Europe and (Eastern) Asia: A Systematic Comparison     

Hans J. Giessmann 《Asia-Pacific Review》2007,14(2):62-81

While the globalization of risks is commonly recognized, a corresponding global pattern of risk management has not arisen. For a while after 1989 the vision of a global community of states appeared to be coming true. Long-standing conflicts were settled, and the UN Security Council for the first time acted with consent and commitment in the area of crisis reaction. However, this short-lived phase of global conflict management was soon troubled, beginning with a cascade of secessionist disputes and ending abruptly on 9/11. Ironically, today's global crisis management seems to be more complicated and less promising than that of the Cold War with its comparably primitive bipolar structure. Some threats, such as arms races, nuclear proliferation, enemy images and Alliance-building, have returned. Frozen conflicts have been re-heated because of spreading ethno-political strife. New lines of confrontation have also emerged from transnational constellations. Nations and states are under pressure to cope with new risks at a time when both their competence and capability to manage societal change and adjust to globalization are under duress.1 ¹?My thanks for editorial advice go to my assistant Heather Gilmartin. View all notes While the responsibility2 ²?Nye, J.S., “U.S. Power and Strategy after Iraq,” Foreign Affairs, no. 4/2003, p. 65. View all notes of states to carry out crisis management in a turbulent environment is increasing, their operational capability is being challenged, from both top-down and bottom-up. Most states in the northern hemisphere feel sufficiently prepared to prevent conflicts between themselves and other states, but they are less well prepared for armed conflicts other than among states—so-called asymmetric wars. Where nation-state-based responses are insufficient and global responses out of reach because of disagreement among big powers, it is the regional level, which looks most promising for tackling these new challenges. But even if regional patterns function well, crucial questions remain. Might smaller states become the objects or victims of power politics in a region if it is dominated by champions? Would regional arrangements foster global fragmentation? How can the success of regional conflict resolution be transferred to the national level in cases of transnational risks, and is there anything that states can learn from each other in organizing regional security and state-to-state cooperation? Finally, should tools and strategies that have proven successful in one region be applied to others? This analysis compares state-based regionalism in (Western) Europe and (East) Asia. It accepts the premise that states can learn from each other, but argues that attempts at direct model transfer should be avoided.     

From undeserved oblivion: a young American in Tibet – William Montgomery McGovern

On retirement from the Diplomatic Service, John Shipman served as Editor of Asian Affairs from 1995 to 1997. His previous contributions to the Journal include ‘Seen in Kashgaria’ (February 1998). He accompanied the Society's tours to Central Asia in 1990 and 1994, and visited Mongolia in 2002.

From undeserved oblivion: a young American in Tibet – William Montgomery McGovern

All authors

John Shipman

https://doi.org/10.1080/0306837042000241055

Published online:

02 February 2007

William Montgomery McGovern (Courtesy of The Century Company)     

12.

Racial Discrimination in Post-Apartheid South Africa: A New Irreducible “Other”?     

《Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies》2013,14(4):473-487

The xenophobia we see today is the same as the racism of the past.1 ¹?Zonke Majodina, Commissioner at the South African Human Rights Council, quoted in T. Mclachlan, “South Africa: Media ‘Simplistic’ When Writing On Race, Xenophobia.” Business Day, April 19, 2007.      

13.

The World Order and a New “Behemoth”     

Futoshi Matsumoto 《Asia-Pacific Review》2015,22(1):177-190

The emergence of “Islamic State” or “Daesh”¹1 The author prefers to use the name “Daesh” to indicate what is sometimes referred to as “Islamic State” so as not to provide a misguided perception of this group as something comparable to a sovereign state.View all notes as abbreviation of “Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham” in Arabic now poses a strategic challenge to the international community. Given a number of emerging issues such as “war” in the eastern states of Ukraine and assertive actions of China in East Asia, it requires a sober reflection on strategic thinking before embarking upon any tactical and operational measures vis-à-vis these challenges.

This article treats the critical value of the Westphalian order based on a sovereign state system by distinguishing three challenges we face at this juncture: namely Daesh, Russia, and China and suggests ways to fight Daesh from a strategic point of view.     

14.

Sport for Peace: A New Era of International Cooperation and Peace through Sport     

Zubaidullo Ubaidulloev 《Asia-Pacific Review》2018,25(2):104-126

“O Sport, You are Peace!

You forge happy bonds between the peoples

by drawing them together in reverence for strength

which is controlled, organised and self disciplined.

Through you the young of the entire world

learn to respect one another,

and thus the diversity of national traits becomes a source

of generous and peaceful emulation!”

Pierre De Coubertin (The founder of the modern Olympic Movement)

Sport is an excellent and powerful tool to promote peace, tolerance, and peaceful coexistence. Sport can bring together people of different ethnicities, nationalities, race, skin color, culture and religion. Sport promotes values, such as respect, honesty and cooperation. Sport has the power and ability to overcome the intercultural and political barriers. Sport can be the significant component of social integration. This article brings into the discussion the theme of sport for peace and a positive role of sport for international cooperation and peace. There is a limited amount of research and literature on the theme of sport and peace or sport for peace. The unique and positive power of sport for bringing about peace and peaceful solutions is not well researched and understood. Therefore, the reason for this article is to try to fill the gap in the existing literature on the theme of sport for peace and broaden the discussion about it. The article focuses on sport for peace initiatives implemented by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the United Nations (UN) and its agencies, like UNESCO, UNICEF, UNHCR and non-governmental organizations and international sport federations. The article also examines the sport for peace initiatives from Japan, in the example of the Sport for Tomorrow (SFT) Programme of the Japanese Government for Tokyo 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games and contribution by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in promoting and fostering friendship, cooperation, and peace in the world.     

15.

Fora de l'umbracle,de Joan Brossa: una petita revolució personal del maig del 68     

Glòria Bordons 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2014,20(3):243-257

Avui dia Joan Brossa és conegut sobretot per la seva poesia visual, però abans dels anys setanta poca gent sabia que el poeta i dramaturg català, tot i conrear-la des de 1941, tenia també una obra plàstica. El 1963 es produeix el primer transvasament de poesia visual dins un llibre de poesia literària: El saltamartí. Uns anys després, el 1968, Brossa compon Fora de l'umbracle, un autèntic aiguabarreig de poemes visuals i literaris que es converteix en el preàmbul de les publicacions visuals de l'any 70. L'article tracta d'aquest poemari, que romangué inèdit fins al 2012 i constitueix un autèntic reflex de l'esperit del maig francès del 68. El llibre és revolucionari perquè (a) inicia la revolució lletrista tipogràfica brossiana; (b) es fa ressò de la revolució política i social que el maig del 68 significà per a tota Europa; i (c) en gran mesura sintetitza la revolució poètica conceptual que Brossa havia començat el 1950 amb Em va fer Joan Brossa BrossaJ.1951. Em va fer Joan Brossa. Barcelona: Edicions Cobalto [Google Scholar]. D'una manera desprotegida (fora de l'umbracle) Brossa ens mostra la realitat despullada de l'Europa del 68 des de perspectives que van més enllà de les avantguardes europees de postguerra.1^?1. Aquest treball forma part del projecte “La poesia experimental catalana des de 1959 a 2004,” subvencionat pel Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación: FFI2010-18880 (subprograma FILO) i també ha rebut un ajut de l'Agrupació de Recerca de Ciències de l'Educació de la Universitat de Barcelona.     

16.

ASEAN at 40: Prospects for Community Building in Southeast Asia     

Noel M. Morada 《Asia-Pacific Review》2008,15(1):36-55

In 2007, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations attempted to celebrate its 40^th founding anniversary with a bang as it was about to set another milestone, which is the signing of the ASEAN Charter. However, the celebration was overshadowed by the political crisis in Myanmar following the military's crackdown on protesting monks and their democratic supporters. The inability of ASEAN to influence events in that country became the focus of public attention in the region and the international community. Even the much-vaunted milestone of finally having an ASEAN Charter was a major disappointment for many in Southeast Asia as the final document signed by ASEAN leaders was everything but bold, forward-looking, and transformative. It became an object of criticism mainly by some think tanks and civil society groups in the region because it paled in comparison to the recommendations of the Eminent Persons Group that drafted the blueprint of what the ASEAN Charter should look like.

This article describes the major milestones and turning points of ASEAN's regionalism project over the last forty years. It also attempts to identify the major issues and challenges to ASEAN's community building efforts in the future. The main argument of this article is that ASEAN's continuing relevance to the people of the region can be ensured only if it seriously opens up to greater participatory regionalism. Only then can ASEAN be transformed into a truly people-centered organization.     

17.

India in the Asia–Pacific: Rising Ambitions with an Eye on China     

Harsh V. Pant 《Asia-Pacific Review》2007,14(1):54-71

It is almost a conventional wisdom now that the centre of gravity of global politics has shifted from Europe to the Asia–Pacific in recent years with the rise of China and India, gradual assertion by Japan of its military profile, and a significant shift in the US global force posture in favour of Asia–Pacific. The debate now is whether Asia–Pacific will witness rising tensions and conflicts in the coming years with various powers jockeying for influence in the region or whether the forces of economic globalization and multilateralism will lead to peace and stability. Some have asked the question more directly: Will Asia's future resemble Europe's past?1 ¹See Aaron Friedberg, “Will Europe's Past be Asia's Future?” Survival, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Autumn 2000), pp. 147–159. View all notes It is, of course, difficult to answer this question as of now when major powers in Asia–Pacific such as China, India and Japan are still rising and grappling with a plethora of issues that confront any rising power in the international system. But what is clear is that all major powers are now re-evaluating their policy options vis-à-vis the Pacific.

This paper examines India's foreign policy in the Pacific as it has emerged on the last few years. First, the emerging balance of power in Asia–Pacific will be examined in light of the theoretical debate on the issue followed by a broad assessment of the role that India envisages for itself in the region. Subsequently, India's relationship with the three major powers in Asia–Pacific—China, Japan, and the US is analysed. Finally, some observations will be made about the future trajectory of Indian foreign policy in the region.     

18.

Are the Odds of Justice “Stacked” Against Them? Challenges and Opportunities for Securing Land Claims by Smallholder Farmers in Myanmar     

SiuSue Mark 《亚洲研究》2016,48(3):443-460

ABSTRACT

In 2012, the Government of Myanmar passed the Farmland Law and the Vacant, Fallow, Virgin Land Law, with an aim to increase investment in land through the formalization of a land market. Land titling is often considered “the natural end point of land rights formalization.”¹1 Hall et al. 2011 Hall, Derek, Philip Hirsch, and Tania Murray Li. 2011. Powers of Exclusion: Land Dilemmas in Southeast Asia. Singapore: NUS Press.[Crossref] , [Google Scholar], 35. A major obstacle to achieving this in Myanmar is its legacy of multiple regimes which has created “stacked laws.”²2 Roquas 2002 Roquas, Ester. 2002. Stacked Law: Land, Property and Conflict in Honduras. Amsterdam: Rozenberg. [Google Scholar], 11. This term refers to a situation in which a country has multiple layers of laws that exist simultaneously, leading to conflicts and contradictions in the legal system. This ambiguity is often manipulated by those who have more access to political and economic resources, particularly those who received large land concessions under the 1988–2010 military regime. In this context, this paper attempts to answer the question: In Myanmar, how do smallholder farmers engage with a stacked legal framework, which is ambiguous and unfairly applied, to defend themselves against land dispossession? The analysis seeks to contribute to the literature on the contest over land control and access through an analysis of how a stacked legal framework can be used to further disenfranchise farmers by elites, or on the contrary, by farmers to gradually reclaim this control through strategic political maneuvering.     

19.

The Zuma moment: between tender-based capitalists and radical economic transformation     

Ashwin Desai 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(4):499-513

ABSTRACT

The Jacob Zuma Presidency (2009–2017) was dogged by persistent allegations of corruption and the looting of State Owned Enterprises (SOE’s) by those allied to him. It led to allegations of state capture that placed the Gupta family at the centre of this project. These allegations have been highly contested, with Zuma supporters arguing that he has come under attack because of his support for the BRICS alliance (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), which they hold challenges Western imperial interests. Alongside this are those aligned to the Gupta family, arguing that the real culprits of state capture, both historically and in contemporary South Africa, is White Monopoly Capital (WMC), through its ability to determine macro-economic policy. At the heart of this contest is what has come to be known as tender-based capitalists who sought to use access to SOE’s for the accumulation of capital. This process has been defended on the basis that it has the potential to lead a radical economic transformation (RET) that that can challenge the power of WMC. Others have held that this argument is a mere fig leaf for the looting of state coffers, eroding its capacity for deeper developmental initiatives and fostering a parasitic class. This article that focusses on this debate that entered the heart of the African National Congress (ANC) and threatened to tear it apart takes the form of a conjunctural analysis; conjuncture defined as an amalgam ‘of circumstances, a convergence of events, an intersection of contingencies and necessities, a complex, overdetermined state of affairs-usually producing a crisis, leading to breaking point, driving to historic crossroads’ (Mowitt 2015 Mowitt, John. 2015. “In The Conjuncture.” In Cultural Critique. Vol. 89, 125–127. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. [Google Scholar], 125).     

20.

Regionalism and Crisis Prevention in (Western) Europe and (Eastern) Asia: A Systematic Comparison     

Hans J. Giessmann 《Asia-Pacific Review》2007,14(2):62-81

While the globalization of risks is commonly recognized, a corresponding global pattern of risk management has not arisen. For a while after 1989 the vision of a global community of states appeared to be coming true. Long-standing conflicts were settled, and the UN Security Council for the first time acted with consent and commitment in the area of crisis reaction. However, this short-lived phase of global conflict management was soon troubled, beginning with a cascade of secessionist disputes and ending abruptly on 9/11. Ironically, today's global crisis management seems to be more complicated and less promising than that of the Cold War with its comparably primitive bipolar structure. Some threats, such as arms races, nuclear proliferation, enemy images and Alliance-building, have returned. Frozen conflicts have been re-heated because of spreading ethno-political strife. New lines of confrontation have also emerged from transnational constellations. Nations and states are under pressure to cope with new risks at a time when both their competence and capability to manage societal change and adjust to globalization are under duress.1 ¹?My thanks for editorial advice go to my assistant Heather Gilmartin. View all notes While the responsibility2 ²?Nye, J.S., “U.S. Power and Strategy after Iraq,” Foreign Affairs, no. 4/2003, p. 65. View all notes of states to carry out crisis management in a turbulent environment is increasing, their operational capability is being challenged, from both top-down and bottom-up. Most states in the northern hemisphere feel sufficiently prepared to prevent conflicts between themselves and other states, but they are less well prepared for armed conflicts other than among states—so-called asymmetric wars. Where nation-state-based responses are insufficient and global responses out of reach because of disagreement among big powers, it is the regional level, which looks most promising for tackling these new challenges. But even if regional patterns function well, crucial questions remain. Might smaller states become the objects or victims of power politics in a region if it is dominated by champions? Would regional arrangements foster global fragmentation? How can the success of regional conflict resolution be transferred to the national level in cases of transnational risks, and is there anything that states can learn from each other in organizing regional security and state-to-state cooperation? Finally, should tools and strategies that have proven successful in one region be applied to others? This analysis compares state-based regionalism in (Western) Europe and (East) Asia. It accepts the premise that states can learn from each other, but argues that attempts at direct model transfer should be avoided.     

Racial Discrimination in Post-Apartheid South Africa: A New Irreducible “Other”?

The xenophobia we see today is the same as the racism of the past.1 ¹?Zonke Majodina, Commissioner at the South African Human Rights Council, quoted in T. Mclachlan, “South Africa: Media ‘Simplistic’ When Writing On Race, Xenophobia.” Business Day, April 19, 2007.      

The World Order and a New “Behemoth”

The emergence of “Islamic State” or “Daesh”¹1 The author prefers to use the name “Daesh” to indicate what is sometimes referred to as “Islamic State” so as not to provide a misguided perception of this group as something comparable to a sovereign state.View all notes as abbreviation of “Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham” in Arabic now poses a strategic challenge to the international community. Given a number of emerging issues such as “war” in the eastern states of Ukraine and assertive actions of China in East Asia, it requires a sober reflection on strategic thinking before embarking upon any tactical and operational measures vis-à-vis these challenges.

This article treats the critical value of the Westphalian order based on a sovereign state system by distinguishing three challenges we face at this juncture: namely Daesh, Russia, and China and suggests ways to fight Daesh from a strategic point of view.     

Sport for Peace: A New Era of International Cooperation and Peace through Sport

“O Sport, You are Peace!

You forge happy bonds between the peoples

by drawing them together in reverence for strength

which is controlled, organised and self disciplined.

Through you the young of the entire world

learn to respect one another,

and thus the diversity of national traits becomes a source

of generous and peaceful emulation!”

Pierre De Coubertin (The founder of the modern Olympic Movement)

Sport is an excellent and powerful tool to promote peace, tolerance, and peaceful coexistence. Sport can bring together people of different ethnicities, nationalities, race, skin color, culture and religion. Sport promotes values, such as respect, honesty and cooperation. Sport has the power and ability to overcome the intercultural and political barriers. Sport can be the significant component of social integration. This article brings into the discussion the theme of sport for peace and a positive role of sport for international cooperation and peace. There is a limited amount of research and literature on the theme of sport and peace or sport for peace. The unique and positive power of sport for bringing about peace and peaceful solutions is not well researched and understood. Therefore, the reason for this article is to try to fill the gap in the existing literature on the theme of sport for peace and broaden the discussion about it. The article focuses on sport for peace initiatives implemented by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the United Nations (UN) and its agencies, like UNESCO, UNICEF, UNHCR and non-governmental organizations and international sport federations. The article also examines the sport for peace initiatives from Japan, in the example of the Sport for Tomorrow (SFT) Programme of the Japanese Government for Tokyo 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games and contribution by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in promoting and fostering friendship, cooperation, and peace in the world.     

Fora de l'umbracle,de Joan Brossa: una petita revolució personal del maig del 68

Avui dia Joan Brossa és conegut sobretot per la seva poesia visual, però abans dels anys setanta poca gent sabia que el poeta i dramaturg català, tot i conrear-la des de 1941, tenia també una obra plàstica. El 1963 es produeix el primer transvasament de poesia visual dins un llibre de poesia literària: El saltamartí. Uns anys després, el 1968, Brossa compon Fora de l'umbracle, un autèntic aiguabarreig de poemes visuals i literaris que es converteix en el preàmbul de les publicacions visuals de l'any 70. L'article tracta d'aquest poemari, que romangué inèdit fins al 2012 i constitueix un autèntic reflex de l'esperit del maig francès del 68. El llibre és revolucionari perquè (a) inicia la revolució lletrista tipogràfica brossiana; (b) es fa ressò de la revolució política i social que el maig del 68 significà per a tota Europa; i (c) en gran mesura sintetitza la revolució poètica conceptual que Brossa havia començat el 1950 amb Em va fer Joan Brossa BrossaJ.1951. Em va fer Joan Brossa. Barcelona: Edicions Cobalto [Google Scholar]. D'una manera desprotegida (fora de l'umbracle) Brossa ens mostra la realitat despullada de l'Europa del 68 des de perspectives que van més enllà de les avantguardes europees de postguerra.1^?1. Aquest treball forma part del projecte “La poesia experimental catalana des de 1959 a 2004,” subvencionat pel Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación: FFI2010-18880 (subprograma FILO) i també ha rebut un ajut de l'Agrupació de Recerca de Ciències de l'Educació de la Universitat de Barcelona.     

ASEAN at 40: Prospects for Community Building in Southeast Asia

In 2007, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations attempted to celebrate its 40^th founding anniversary with a bang as it was about to set another milestone, which is the signing of the ASEAN Charter. However, the celebration was overshadowed by the political crisis in Myanmar following the military's crackdown on protesting monks and their democratic supporters. The inability of ASEAN to influence events in that country became the focus of public attention in the region and the international community. Even the much-vaunted milestone of finally having an ASEAN Charter was a major disappointment for many in Southeast Asia as the final document signed by ASEAN leaders was everything but bold, forward-looking, and transformative. It became an object of criticism mainly by some think tanks and civil society groups in the region because it paled in comparison to the recommendations of the Eminent Persons Group that drafted the blueprint of what the ASEAN Charter should look like.

This article describes the major milestones and turning points of ASEAN's regionalism project over the last forty years. It also attempts to identify the major issues and challenges to ASEAN's community building efforts in the future. The main argument of this article is that ASEAN's continuing relevance to the people of the region can be ensured only if it seriously opens up to greater participatory regionalism. Only then can ASEAN be transformed into a truly people-centered organization.     

India in the Asia–Pacific: Rising Ambitions with an Eye on China

It is almost a conventional wisdom now that the centre of gravity of global politics has shifted from Europe to the Asia–Pacific in recent years with the rise of China and India, gradual assertion by Japan of its military profile, and a significant shift in the US global force posture in favour of Asia–Pacific. The debate now is whether Asia–Pacific will witness rising tensions and conflicts in the coming years with various powers jockeying for influence in the region or whether the forces of economic globalization and multilateralism will lead to peace and stability. Some have asked the question more directly: Will Asia's future resemble Europe's past?1 ¹See Aaron Friedberg, “Will Europe's Past be Asia's Future?” Survival, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Autumn 2000), pp. 147–159. View all notes It is, of course, difficult to answer this question as of now when major powers in Asia–Pacific such as China, India and Japan are still rising and grappling with a plethora of issues that confront any rising power in the international system. But what is clear is that all major powers are now re-evaluating their policy options vis-à-vis the Pacific.

This paper examines India's foreign policy in the Pacific as it has emerged on the last few years. First, the emerging balance of power in Asia–Pacific will be examined in light of the theoretical debate on the issue followed by a broad assessment of the role that India envisages for itself in the region. Subsequently, India's relationship with the three major powers in Asia–Pacific—China, Japan, and the US is analysed. Finally, some observations will be made about the future trajectory of Indian foreign policy in the region.     

Are the Odds of Justice “Stacked” Against Them? Challenges and Opportunities for Securing Land Claims by Smallholder Farmers in Myanmar

ABSTRACT

In 2012, the Government of Myanmar passed the Farmland Law and the Vacant, Fallow, Virgin Land Law, with an aim to increase investment in land through the formalization of a land market. Land titling is often considered “the natural end point of land rights formalization.”¹1 Hall et al. 2011 Hall, Derek, Philip Hirsch, and Tania Murray Li. 2011. Powers of Exclusion: Land Dilemmas in Southeast Asia. Singapore: NUS Press.[Crossref] , [Google Scholar], 35. A major obstacle to achieving this in Myanmar is its legacy of multiple regimes which has created “stacked laws.”²2 Roquas 2002 Roquas, Ester. 2002. Stacked Law: Land, Property and Conflict in Honduras. Amsterdam: Rozenberg. [Google Scholar], 11. This term refers to a situation in which a country has multiple layers of laws that exist simultaneously, leading to conflicts and contradictions in the legal system. This ambiguity is often manipulated by those who have more access to political and economic resources, particularly those who received large land concessions under the 1988–2010 military regime. In this context, this paper attempts to answer the question: In Myanmar, how do smallholder farmers engage with a stacked legal framework, which is ambiguous and unfairly applied, to defend themselves against land dispossession? The analysis seeks to contribute to the literature on the contest over land control and access through an analysis of how a stacked legal framework can be used to further disenfranchise farmers by elites, or on the contrary, by farmers to gradually reclaim this control through strategic political maneuvering.     

The Zuma moment: between tender-based capitalists and radical economic transformation

ABSTRACT

The Jacob Zuma Presidency (2009–2017) was dogged by persistent allegations of corruption and the looting of State Owned Enterprises (SOE’s) by those allied to him. It led to allegations of state capture that placed the Gupta family at the centre of this project. These allegations have been highly contested, with Zuma supporters arguing that he has come under attack because of his support for the BRICS alliance (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), which they hold challenges Western imperial interests. Alongside this are those aligned to the Gupta family, arguing that the real culprits of state capture, both historically and in contemporary South Africa, is White Monopoly Capital (WMC), through its ability to determine macro-economic policy. At the heart of this contest is what has come to be known as tender-based capitalists who sought to use access to SOE’s for the accumulation of capital. This process has been defended on the basis that it has the potential to lead a radical economic transformation (RET) that that can challenge the power of WMC. Others have held that this argument is a mere fig leaf for the looting of state coffers, eroding its capacity for deeper developmental initiatives and fostering a parasitic class. This article that focusses on this debate that entered the heart of the African National Congress (ANC) and threatened to tear it apart takes the form of a conjunctural analysis; conjuncture defined as an amalgam ‘of circumstances, a convergence of events, an intersection of contingencies and necessities, a complex, overdetermined state of affairs-usually producing a crisis, leading to breaking point, driving to historic crossroads’ (Mowitt 2015 Mowitt, John. 2015. “In The Conjuncture.” In Cultural Critique. Vol. 89, 125–127. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. [Google Scholar], 125).     

Regionalism and Crisis Prevention in (Western) Europe and (Eastern) Asia: A Systematic Comparison

While the globalization of risks is commonly recognized, a corresponding global pattern of risk management has not arisen. For a while after 1989 the vision of a global community of states appeared to be coming true. Long-standing conflicts were settled, and the UN Security Council for the first time acted with consent and commitment in the area of crisis reaction. However, this short-lived phase of global conflict management was soon troubled, beginning with a cascade of secessionist disputes and ending abruptly on 9/11. Ironically, today's global crisis management seems to be more complicated and less promising than that of the Cold War with its comparably primitive bipolar structure. Some threats, such as arms races, nuclear proliferation, enemy images and Alliance-building, have returned. Frozen conflicts have been re-heated because of spreading ethno-political strife. New lines of confrontation have also emerged from transnational constellations. Nations and states are under pressure to cope with new risks at a time when both their competence and capability to manage societal change and adjust to globalization are under duress.1 ¹?My thanks for editorial advice go to my assistant Heather Gilmartin. View all notes While the responsibility2 ²?Nye, J.S., “U.S. Power and Strategy after Iraq,” Foreign Affairs, no. 4/2003, p. 65. View all notes of states to carry out crisis management in a turbulent environment is increasing, their operational capability is being challenged, from both top-down and bottom-up. Most states in the northern hemisphere feel sufficiently prepared to prevent conflicts between themselves and other states, but they are less well prepared for armed conflicts other than among states—so-called asymmetric wars. Where nation-state-based responses are insufficient and global responses out of reach because of disagreement among big powers, it is the regional level, which looks most promising for tackling these new challenges. But even if regional patterns function well, crucial questions remain. Might smaller states become the objects or victims of power politics in a region if it is dominated by champions? Would regional arrangements foster global fragmentation? How can the success of regional conflict resolution be transferred to the national level in cases of transnational risks, and is there anything that states can learn from each other in organizing regional security and state-to-state cooperation? Finally, should tools and strategies that have proven successful in one region be applied to others? This analysis compares state-based regionalism in (Western) Europe and (East) Asia. It accepts the premise that states can learn from each other, but argues that attempts at direct model transfer should be avoided.