Closing the Capability Gap: ASEAN Military Modernization during the Dawn of Autonomous Weapon Systems

ABSTRACT

The procurement of autonomous weapon systems is on the rise in Southeast Asia, where, as in other parts of the world, interest in the military applications of unmanned systems is outpacing fractured international regulation efforts. This article analyzes the diffusion of drone technology in Southeast Asia and argues that we are at an inflection point, representing an opportunity for The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to control the diffusion of unmanned platforms and take a leadership role in developing a regionally appropriate framework for their development. Moreover, it contends that with a regional framework in place to reduce tensions/misadventure, unmanned aerial and maritime vehicles (UAVs & UMVs) could improve ASEAN’s ability to respond to traditional and non-traditional security threats, and thus increase regional security.     

Providers Not Protectors: Institutionalizing Responsible Sovereignty in Southeast Asia

Abstract

Despite their declaratory support for the United Nations' adoption of the “responsibility to protect” (R2P) principle, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) governments nonetheless reject the UN proposition that military intervention can and should be employed for implementing the R2P. However, this reluctance has not precluded the development of an ethic of responsible sovereignty in Southeast Asia. But rather than responsibility as protection as assumed by the R2P, ASEAN countries arguably define responsibility in terms of provision for the well-being of their populaces. The development of such an ethic in Southeast Asia has been uneven as evidenced by the Myanmar government's initial reluctance to receive foreign humanitarian assistance following Cyclone Nargis in 2008. That said, as the contemporary policy debate and regional institutional developments in Southeast Asia together attest, an ethic of responsible provision is emerging among ASEAN states.     

Does ASEAN Matter? International Relations Theories,Institutional Realism,and ASEAN

Abstract

The 1997 economic crisis and the ensuing political and social disorders not only have put regional security at stake, but also have seriously challenged the relevance of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in regional affairs. This article introduces a new institutional theory – institutional realism – to address the widely debated questions: Does ASEAN matter? If so, how? It argues that (1) ASEAN still matters in terms of coping with extra-regional threats through an institutional balancing strategy; (2) ASEAN's future depends on its institutional consolidation in dealing with intra-regional security problems.     

东盟国家间领土争端的解决:做法、争论与启示

在遇到领土争端问题时,东盟成员国没有诉诸于《东南亚友好合作条约》规定的高级委员会,而是诉诸于国际法院.虽然这一举措并没有违背《东南亚友好合作条约》的规定,但却引起了学者们关于东盟机制作用的争论.国际法院的判决就东盟国家间领土的主权归属做出了明确的判决,但也激起了失利一方强烈的民族情绪.东盟国家间解决领土争端的做法及其结果启示我们:解决复杂国际问题的最好办法还是在于政治解决.而这正是东盟所一直倡导的原则和做法.     

The Responsibility to Protect in Southeast Asia: Can ASEAN Reconcile Humanitarianism and Sovereignty?

Abstract

This article explores how relevant the “Responsibility to Protect” (RtoP) principle is in Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia is usually thought of as a region that is highly resistant to external “interference” in its domestic affairs and relatively impervious to the influence of externally generated norms. The article explores the potential relevance of RtoP through an analysis of the impact of Cyclone Nargis on Myanmar. Although the military regime in Myanmar was initially resistant to external intervention, pressure from both the United Nations and especially fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) caused the regime to change its behavior. The authors argue that this marks an important shift in intra-ASEAN relations and suggests that even in Southeast Asia where sovereignty is still jealously guarded, external norms and ideas can have a decisive impact in propitious circumstances.     

ASEAN AND CHINA IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTES

The South China Sea disputes involve both island and maritime claims among sovereign states and the issue has long been a point of debate in international politics. It involves not only the countries in dispute but also other major world powers, including the United States. Its important strategic location and the abundant resources make the South China Sea a target of contention among the claimant countries. The arbitral ruling in July 2016 gives a new momentum to the dispute. The article examines the strategic relations of China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) by analyzing the positions and steps taken by ASEAN and China, as well as ASEAN-China joint initiatives. It also discusses the challenges and viable solutions to the dispute.     

东南亚问题的重要教学参考书--《东盟读本》与《第二东盟读本》之介评

本文首先简要介绍了《东盟读本》与《第二东盟读本》的基本内容,接着对其出版背景、收录文献的内容与特色等进行比较与分析,最后推介这两本文集应当成为东盟和东南亚问题教学与研究的重要参考书。     

ASEAN at 40: Prospects for Community Building in Southeast Asia

In 2007, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations attempted to celebrate its 40^th founding anniversary with a bang as it was about to set another milestone, which is the signing of the ASEAN Charter. However, the celebration was overshadowed by the political crisis in Myanmar following the military's crackdown on protesting monks and their democratic supporters. The inability of ASEAN to influence events in that country became the focus of public attention in the region and the international community. Even the much-vaunted milestone of finally having an ASEAN Charter was a major disappointment for many in Southeast Asia as the final document signed by ASEAN leaders was everything but bold, forward-looking, and transformative. It became an object of criticism mainly by some think tanks and civil society groups in the region because it paled in comparison to the recommendations of the Eminent Persons Group that drafted the blueprint of what the ASEAN Charter should look like.

This article describes the major milestones and turning points of ASEAN's regionalism project over the last forty years. It also attempts to identify the major issues and challenges to ASEAN's community building efforts in the future. The main argument of this article is that ASEAN's continuing relevance to the people of the region can be ensured only if it seriously opens up to greater participatory regionalism. Only then can ASEAN be transformed into a truly people-centered organization.     

Mischief Reef: Geopolitics and implications

This article examines the Mischief Reef and Scarborough Shoal disputes in the context of the dynamic political interaction between China, the Philippines, ASEAN and the United States. A review of recent development indicates that these particular incidents and the Spratly disputes in general have increased in intensity and complexity drawing in ASEAN and the United States. China is the main player and several conclusion are drawn regarding its strategy and tactics. We see the status quo as unstable and propose a few possible directions of actions in the interest of conflict prevention.     

Hobsbawm's social banditry,myth and historical reality: A case in the Malaysian state of Kedah, 1915–1920

Abstract

Although the current worldwide recession began to affect Japan in the mid-1970s, the typical social consequences were not visible there until very recently. One of the reasons for this was that Japanese corporations were able to shift the burden of the crisis onto vulnerable sections of the working class at home, especially part-time women workers, and vulnerable workers abroad, particularly in Asia and Latin America. This article examines one aspect of the latter displacement—Japanese direct investment in the three currently most-favored countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN): Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Space limitations preclude discussion of the impact of this displacement on other affected ASEAN nations: the Philippines, where the influx of Japanese capital followed the rise of Marcos and ended with his fall; Brunei, which is exceptional in any context; and Singapore, which is more appropriately examined in the context of the so-called NICs (newly industrialized countries). After looking briefly at the crisis in Japan to show the links between the two developments, I will argue that foreign direct investment (FDI) in ASEAN is an expression of a growing and mutually beneficial alliance between the Japanese capitalist class and their counterparts in ASEAN. Unfortunately I do not have the space to show how the ordinary people on both sides increasingly suffer as a result of this alliance.     

东盟再认识

东盟是一个具有广泛影响的地区性国际组织,它团结区域内外国家,为维护地区秩序、和平与稳定发挥了重要的作用,为促进地区政治、经济、安全及社会合作做出了重大贡献;东盟为区域内外国家开展广泛的合作提供了一个重要的对话平台,促进区域内外国家减少误会和增进相互理解;东盟也是一种地区意识,它使一个政治、经济、文化、民族与宗教均相当多元化的地区出现了共同的思想,在这种思想的旗帜下,东盟各国求同存异,有力地促进了本区域人民相互了解,增进友谊;东盟是发展中国家团结的典范,它为广大发展中国家树立了一个榜样,它以其成功的实践告诉人们,在全球化的时代,小国和弱国也应该有所作为,其根本出路就是团结与合作.     

论东盟的法律人格

法律人格对国际组织具有重要作用,东盟自成立以来一直没有法律人格.<东盟宪章>授予东盟法律人格,确立了东盟的法律人格地位.东盟法律人格的确立对加强东盟内部团结,促进东盟自身建设,增强东盟的国际行为能力,保持东盟在亚太区域合作中的独特地位都具有重要的影响.     

论东盟的内部关系——东盟区域一体化的发展及主要成员国间的关系

2007年是东盟成立40周年,对于一个人而言,40岁是“不惑之年”,对于一个国际组织来说,走过40年的风风雨雨,也不是一件容易的事情。在这40年里,东盟克服种种困难,经受了许多考验,发展成为一个包括本区域所有成员的、受到尊重的、有广泛影响力的国际组织,她与世界上所有的有影响力的大国都建立了对话伙伴关系,她在地区和国际事务中正在扮演越来越重要的角色。     

Security and Peace in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific

Abstract

Two recent books make significant contributions to the scholarly literature both in East Asian security studies and in international relations theory more generally. While developing international relations theory by drawing from the non-Western experiences of East Asia, these books complement the existing international relations theory that has been criticized for being overly West-centric. The books also develop some interesting East Asian, neopragmatic ideas on the “theory of theory” in international relations. These ideas have a potential of not only changing our answers to questions about East Asian security but also reformulating the questions we ask in our investigation of international security issues.     

东南亚地区形势:2007年

2007年的东南亚地区形势,可以用如下三句话概括:经济差强人意,政治走向稳定,内外关系基本和谐.经济方面,东南亚10国已经摆脱金融危机的阴影,在印度和中国经济高速列车的带动下,正在步入新的发展阶段;政治方面,东南亚各国已经基本完成了两代人之间权力的过渡,新一代领导人正在成长,今后,将由这些新一代的领导人为东南亚掌舵;地区国际关系方面,东盟比较好地处理与协调内外关系,东盟的内部关系基本上是和谐的,在对外关系方面,东盟继续在各个大国之间寻求一种权力的平衡,继续谋求巩固东盟在地区事务中的领导地位.     

How Japan Can Contribute to a Peaceful World

This article discusses Japan's contribution to world peace both in the past and in the future. Japan's domestic, historical, and strategic circumstances shaped its concept of comprehensive security focused on international economic cooperation since the 1970s. Three decades of constructive relations with neighbors, including reconciliation with Southeast Asia built a strong foundation for Japan's new security role, one driven by new domestic and external imperatives. The article also documents the evolution of Japan's security policy and role in international peacekeeping, and concludes by arguing that Japan–ASEAN partnership is a key component of Japan's new security role, including permanent membership in the United Nations Security Council. In developing this new role, it is critically important that Japan engages its neighbors in ASEAN (and elsewhere) to gain their support for this new role.     

东盟面临的危机与挑战

本文探讨了东南亚国家联盟作为一个组织机构在这次亚洲金融危机中所起的作用。从各个国家来看 ,成员国们采取各种措施加强对银行的管理 ,加大金融交易的透明度 ,鼓励竞争 ;从双边关系来看 ,东南亚国家联盟成员国们对受影响最严重的国家 ,尤其是对印度尼西亚进行了援助 ;从国际方面来看 ,东南亚国家联盟成员国们共同呼吁发达国家继续开放市场 ,在重新谈判债务问题时更灵活些 ,在实施改革计划时要注意保护贫穷阶层的人士。本文追踪了在一系列会议上东南亚联盟的初衷 ,但是最后得出结论认为现有的经济合作项目有待进一步扩大合作领域 ,进一步加强责任感。     

论东南亚区域主义的特点

区域主义是关于国际区域合作的思想与实践。东南亚的区域主义是在本区域的政治、经济、社会、历史、文化等要素的基础上 ,依托东盟的框架发展起来的 ,其特点主要是 :(1)在个别的国家利益和集体的区域利益之间寻求平衡点 ;(2 )以民族抗御力为基础加强区域抗御力 ;(3)协商达成全体一致 ;(4 )开放性。     

东盟的地理整体与利益整体意识--东盟意识与东盟的发展(Ⅱ)

东盟从其成立之初就具有一种强烈的地理整体意识和利益整体意识.正是由于其具有强烈的地理整体意识,东盟才能够克服内部的分歧和排除外部的各种阻力,吸收越南、缅甸、老挝和柬埔寨加入东盟,使其成为一个包括所有东南亚国家的国际组织.正是由于其具有强烈的利益整体意识,东盟才能够争取到其单个成员所无法得到的利益,而且在面对西方大国的压力时,能够采取一种强硬的立场,很好地维护其成员或准成员的利益和尊严.