Class,Politics and the Progressive Dilemma

This article considers contemporary class inequalities and how they might shape a progressive politics in the UK. Drawing on findings from the BBC Class Survey, it outlines changes in the class structure, class mobility and class identities. It is argued that the class structure is increasingly polarised and fragmented, with a wealthy elite, a vulnerable precariat and fragmented middle and working classes in between. Declining upward social mobility is a source of anxiety for middle‐class and working‐class parents alike. Class identification, especially working‐class identification, has weakened over time, although class snobbery is far from dead. Class has changed and the class basis of politics is changing now too. A progressive politics is possible if the political parties of the centre‐left appeal to the majority of the electorate rather than one class, acknowledge common concerns and worries and appeal to shared hopes and dreams that straddle class boundaries.     

Watchdogs as Satellites of Parliament

Australian legislation indicates a special relationship between Parliament and independent watchdogs such as the Auditor General and Ombudsman. These statutory provisions are reviewed and a new model conceptualizing watchdogs as satellites of Parliament is presented and assessed in the context of the debate about where these watchdogs fit in our system of government. The model assists consideration of the interdependence of Parliaments and watchdogs and tensions in the relationship. It is identified that giving primacy to the relationship with Parliament mitigates some risks and creates others, and that it provides a democratic legitimacy to the watchdogs. The article concludes that there can be benefits to the community where primacy of the role of Parliament is embedded in legislation.     

Government Transfers and the Samaritan's Dilemma in the Family

This paper examines the effectiveness of government transfersin overcoming the Samaritan's dilemma in a family in which thechild saves an insufficient amount in order to induce largerbequests from the parent. The results are as follows. First,exogenous government transfers do not affect intergenerationalconsumption allocation if bequests are operative. Second,assuming that government transfers are chosen strategically,the government precommits to such a level of transfers fromthe parent to the child that bequests become inoperative, andthus rids the child of the incentive for undersaving. Thisengenders an efficient intertemporal allocation ofconsumption.     

地权纠纷与乡村治理的"困境"——来自湖北S镇的调查

随着国家惠农政策的实施以及土地价值的上升,土地权属的争议也开始大量涌现.在S镇,当前土地纠纷主要包括三种基本类型:农户之间的土地争议、农户与村委会之间的土地争议以及村民小组与村委会之间的土地争议.从对三类纠纷的分析中可以发现,面对各种围绕地权的冲突,乡村两级组织陷入了无法进行有效治理的困境之中,进而影响了新的地权秩序的生成.地权的权属争议因利益而凸显,土地问题的症结不仅仅是一个产权制度如何建设的问题,更是一个如何实现基层社会良性治理的问题.     

Scotland's Progressive Dilemma

Since the 1980s the Scottish National Party has presented its political project in progressive terms, but this created a twin dilemma: in order to achieve independence, the SNP needed to win political power, and in order to achieve political power it had to win an election, and orthodoxy dictated that winning elections in Scotland involved a centre‐left platform. But the two have often been in conflict, as is clear as the SNP approaches its tenth anniversary in devolved government and agitates for another referendum.     

The Appointments Dilemma

In a separation of powers political system, effective bureaucratic control may be undermined by the fact that the power to appoint bureaucrats is controlled by a different set of principals from those that may control them through statutory or budgetary means. In particular, executives have proposal power over bureaucratic appointments and removals while legislators have proposal power over laws. In this article, I explore the consequences of this division of authority for bureaucratic outcomes. I argue that this pattern of authority often produces outcomes inferior to those generated when appointment, removal, and legislative powers are centralized as is the case in many parliamentary systems. The model reveals that restricting executive removal power can mitigate these problems. Finally, I discuss the relevance of this appointments dilemma for bargaining over bureaucratic structures with a focus on removal powers, independent commissions, and civil service rules .     

Liberal Nationalism,Imagined Immigration and the Progressive Dilemma

The article critically evaluates liberal nationalist perspectives on immigration by drawing on findings from a qualitative research project undertaken in 2014 among White British interviewees in England. From one perspective the study's participants' attitudes seem to support arguments made by David Goodhart and other liberal nationalists regarding immigration, social trust and integration. However, further analysis suggests that these attitudes are to a very significant extent drawn first from partially imagined ideas surrounding immigration and second from potentially unreliable sources. These findings thus provoke the question of whether social trust and notions of a national community are actually being disrupted by immigration, or whether they are being disrupted by prejudiced nationalist and xenophobic perceptions about immigration and immigrants. The article will conclude by arguing for more nuanced research into attitudes towards immigration and in favour of a sceptical approach to nationalist frameworks for interpreting society and politics in Britain today.     

领导角色的成长困境与现实超越

领导角色的成长困境是由于角色价值误导、角色权力分配失衡、用人机制不科学等因素造成的领导角色在成长上的挫折以及由此产生的负面行为和社会危害。克服领导角色的成长困境必须坚持改革和未来趋向,建立领导角色公民身份的价值观,以逐步推进公选和选举为重点,增强干部职务晋升的公平感,促使干部转变角色成长观念,以素质提高取代单一的职务晋升目标,主动做好角色转变的心理准备和知识、技能储备。对于党和政府来讲,要加快职能转变,加快进行统一的社会保障体系建设,一方面从根本上弱化领导角色获得强势地位的社会基础,另一方面为领导角色向其他社会角色转变填平利益鸿沟,消除后顾之忧。     

Towards Operating Standards for Cube Satellites and Small Spacecraft

The availability of low-cost, high-performance miniaturized electronics, and rocket ride-share capabilities and other factors, have generated a significant increase in the development of small spacecraft. Over a hundred entities and thousands of individuals are now working on numerous small satellites. However, these entities and individuals lack the operations legacy and risk posture of existing satellite manufacturers. Although these new entrants have much less to lose, small satellites may be in a position to damage other, more expensive spacecraft, including manned spacecraft. This article considers the need for and benefits of a community-generated set of small spacecraft operating standards. A prospective pathway to their refinement and adoption, specific elements in such a set of standards, the increased confidence this provides larger operators, and the additional opportunities advanced by standards are discussed.     

论司法的尴尬与媒体的正义

如何规范媒体与司法的关系是近年来学术界研究的热点问题.通过分析媒体与司法形成冲突的内在原因,可以发现现有的司法制度尚未能为民众提供比较完善的纠纷解决办法、切实保护民众的合法权益,进而导致民众寻求包括媒体在内的其他救济途径成为问题的症结所在.而保持对司法的理性期待、重塑司法的权威则是解决问题的根本途径.     

志愿服务的发展及其困境思考

志愿服务有益于个人的技能发展和社会的和谐。国际上志愿服务包括:基于技能的志愿服务、虚拟志愿服务、微志愿服务、环保志愿服务、学校志愿服务、企业志愿服务、社区志愿服务、国际工作营等等。虽然志愿服务的发展呈上升态势,但在发展过程中的一些问题亟待解决。     

Explaining Japan's Tortured Course to Surveillance Satellites

On December 25, 1998 the Japanese government reinterpreted a long‐standing policy prohibiting the use of outer space for military purposes by announcing its intention to develop a network of domestically produced and deployed “information‐gathering” satellites to be utilized primarily by the Japan Defense Agency (JDA) and other national security institutions. This decision is important in its own right—for one, Japan is a major player in the space technology arena—but also because of the precedent it sets for other areas of technology and military policy in Japan today. As many observers have noted, Japan appears to be undergoing a broad reexamination both of its view of the appropriate level of interaction between government bureaucracy and industry and of its military security strategy in the first decade of the twenty‐first century. The case of surveillance satellites links these two areas together, offering broader lessons for the course of Japanese policy in numerous areas in the future.     

Cultural Diversity and Education: the Dilemma of Political Stability

In their recent work both John Rawls and Joseph Raz have shown a keen awareness of the need to address the challenges associated with the cultural diversity so characteristic of many liberal democracies. However, a number of the issues raised by non-liberal minorities in Britain in relation to educational policy suggest that these prominent liberal responses ultimately fail to address the complexities of the problems posed by cultural pluralism. Nonetheless, these two approaches identify important considerations which will have to be taken into account by any adequate response to cultural diversity. Viewed together, Rawls' emphasis on political stability and Raz's recognition of the pervasiveness of cultural membership imply that a genuine accommodation of cultural membership can only be achieved within the context of a dynamic political community.     

政府环境作为的伦理困境与伦理自觉

环境治理的政府作为已经是现代社会管理的显著特征。但环境的特殊性及政府职能的现实定位．已经使政府在环境作为方面陷入伦理困境之中。化解伦理困惑在于政府执政的价值的正确定位，在于环境补偿、人性化的政策和畅通的沟通渠道等方法和措施建设。     

The Progressive Dilemma Revisited

In his book of the same title, David Marquand identified the progressive dilemma faced by many intellectuals since the beginning of the twentieth century as a question of whether it was better to work through a political party or through civil society to achieve reform. This dilemma was sharpened by the emergence of the Labour party as the main challenger to the Conservatives, because the party was so closely identified with the defence of a particular interest. This hindered the creation of the kind of broad electoral coalition that could win general elections. Throughout most of its history, Labour has failed to realise its promise and sustain reforming governments. In this article, the history of the Labour party over the past hundred years is outlined, in particular the three cycles 1931–51, 1951–79 and 1979–2010 and the divisions and recriminations that have followed each period in government. The current predicament of the party is then briefly assessed.     

普遍主义正义理论的困境——唯物史观视野下的社群主义对新自由主义正义理论的批判

基于一种普遍主义的思维模式,以罗尔斯为代表的新自由主义者认为其构建的正义理论是普遍适用,能够超越一切地域、历史、文化和传统的,因而必将面临不可实现的困境.在当代,社群主义对新自由主义的这种普遍主义正义理论进行了釜底抽薪的批判,在社群主义看来,正义是存在于历史之中的,普遍的正义是不存在的.唯物史观认为,正义都是具体的、历史的、具有阶级性;抽象的、超越时空、普遍适用的正义只是理论上的幻象,实践上的乌托邦;社群主义对新自由主义的批判虽然具有一定的合理之处,但其同样有其自身不可避免的理论局限性.