Cooperation,coordination and competition: Why do municipalities participate in economic development alliances?

Economic development is a policy area typically seen by municipalities as competitive in nature. Cooperation with neighbouring municipalities is rare, as the benefits are often selective. This paper examines the formation and governance of economic development alliances in Canada, specifically exploring the motivations of municipalities entering into these cooperative relationships. Four main factors influenced a municipality's decision to cooperate on economic development: reducing duplication, increasing international visibility, filling service gaps, and allowing for greater access to federal and provincial grants. Economic conditions dictated the course of partnership. Dividing mutual gains is the major challenge to overcome in order to keep economic development alliances together.     

Bureaucracy and state intervention: Parkinson's Law?

Abstract. Parkinson's Law is the popular idea that bureaucrats or administrators are bound to multiply. The basis for the Law was Parkinson's observation that, in some organizations, the number of administrators continued to increase even when the organization, as measured either by its output or the size of its direct labour force, was declining. This paper first considers two popular explanations of this phenomenon: the political monopoly model and the model of bureaucrats as budget maximizers. The authors show that neither of these theories is capable of providing a satisfactory explanation of Parkinson's observations. They then outline a new and more general theory of bureaucracy, in which bureaucrats maximize power, not by maximizing budgets, but by accumulating the loyalty of their subordinates and that of interest groups and the media. The paper then shows that this model does provide a consistent and indeed commonsense explanation of Parkinson's observations. All declining organizations might be expected to become top-heavy with administrators, as Parkinson predicted, but the process need have nothing to do with bureaucratic expansionism. The paper concludes by stressing the important policy implications of Parkinson's Law for the rational administration of government in an era of declining budgets. Sommaire. Selon une conception populaire, les bureaucrates ou les administrateurs sont régis par la loi de Parkinson: ils tendent à se multiplier. Cette loi découle de l'observation de Parkinson suivant laquelle, dans certaines organisations, le nombre des administrateurs continue à augmenter même lorsque la taille de l'organisation, mesurée par sa production ou par l'importance de sa main-d'oeuvre directe, diminue. Nous considérons deux explications populaires de ce phénomène: le modèle du monopole politique et celui des bureaucrates maximiscurs de budgets. Nous montrons que ni l'une ni l'autre de ces théories est capable d'expliquer de façon satisfaisante les observations de Parkinson. Nous offrons done une nouvelle théorie, plus générale, de la bureaucratic, d'après laquelle les bureaucrates maximisent le pouvoir et non les budgets, en accumulant la loyauté de leurs subordonnés, celle des groupes impliqués et celle des media. Nous démontrons ensuite que ce modèle fournit une explication cohérente et en fait logique, des observations de Parkinson. Nous nous attendons à ce que toutes les organisations en perte de vitesse aient une quantité disproportionnée d'administrateurs, comme l'a prédit Parkinson, mais ce processus n'a rien à voir avec l'expansionnisme bureaucratique. Nous concluons cet article en insistant sur les conséquences importantes de la loi de Parkinson pour l'administration rationnelle du gouvernement en période de restrictions budgétaires. ‘Work expands to fill the time available for its completion.’-C. N. Parkinson.     

Sustainable development in Quebec and Flanders: Institutionalizing symbolic politics?

Since the publication of the Brundtland Report in 1987, governments at all levels have been struggling with the concept of sustainable development and its translation into public policy. In some federal countries, subnational governments have presented themselves as pioneers in sustainable development governance. This article critically analyses and compares the sustainable development policies in Quebec and Flanders – self‐declared leaders in the field – and seeks to identify lessons for the broader area of sustainable development governance. The analysis reveals some similarities in the policies and several problems. While certain investments are made at the administrative level, the policies are characterized by symbolic politics, devoid of political significance and not moving beyond cosmetic, rhetorical engagement. A renewed political commitment for sustainable development, as set out by the recent Rio+20 Summit, is urgently needed.     

Intergovernmental Canada: government by conference ? A fiscal and economic perspective

Abstract. This paper first reviews the main financial and economic issues discussed at federal-provincial conferences in the last twenty years. The author notes that intergovernmental accomplishments during this period are very impressive, conflicts not withstanding. At present, however, there is much concern in Canada about federal-provincial relations and the author submits a list of problems which seem to be the source of this concern. He wonders if the machinery set up in the past twenty years will be adequate to handle the problems of the future. It is clear that the federal government's share in the total revenues of the public sector cannot decrease in the next two decades as it did between 1958 and 1978. Discussion will shift from purely financial issues, and focus to a greater extent on economic development and on questions of federal rather than provincial jurisdiction. Increasingly, the federal government will be called upon to play the role of mediator between the provinces. In the author's view, Canadian federalism now faces two possible alternatives: either the collaborative or the classical approach. Sommaire. ?auteur examine ?abord les principales questions financières et économiques qui ont fait ?objet de conférences fédérales-provinciales au cours des vingt dernières années. II constate que les réalisations intergouvernemen-tales de cette période, malgré les conflits, sont impressionnantes. II existe tout de même présentement beaucoup ?inquiétude au Canada au sujet des relations fédérales-provinciales et ?auteur dresse une liste des problèmes qui sem-blent être à?origine de cette inquiétude. II se demande ensuite si les méca-nismes mis en place au cours des vingt dernières années seront adéquats pour faire face aux problèmes des années à venir. II est évident que la part du gou-vernement fédéral dans les recettes totales du secteur public ne pourra pas diminuer ?ici à 1998 comme elle ?a fait de 1958 à 1978. Les débats s'éloigne-ront des questions purement financières; on s'attardera davantage au dévelop-pement économique et à des questions de juridiction fédérale plutôt que pro-vinciale. Le gouvernement fédéral sera de plus en plus appeléà jouer le rôle de médiateur entre les provinces. ?auteur pense que le fédéralisme canadien fait maintenant face à deux orientations possibles: soit une approche dite ← de collaboration →, soit une approche dite ← classique →.     

Oversight and accountability for serious incidents in Canada: Who polices the police?

This study examines the agencies responsible for investigating when a member of the public is seriously injured, is killed or experiences other serious and potentially criminal actions at the hands of police officers in Canada. The article takes a comprehensive approach by examining all police oversight agencies that are responsible for responding to and investigating allegations of police criminality—eight organizations, across nine jurisdictions. The study integrates insights from public administration and police accountability literature and examines the structures and administration of the agencies. The study provides a critical assessment of the state of police oversight for serious incidents in Canada, it identifies agency outputs (including case substantiation), levels of independence, efforts at transparency, and considers the challenges in attempting to hold police accountable in Canada.     

Independent foundations,public money and public accountability: Whither ministerial responsibility as democratic governance?

Abstract: Over the past decade the federal government has established a number of independent foundations to spend public money on public business. The democratic control that is meant to obtain under the Constitution is not present in the design of these foundations. This article examines the ways in which their organizational design is contrary to the principles of responsible government as well as to the government's own policy on so‐called alternative service‐delivery structures. The article also discusses how the designers of these foundations relied primarily on results‐based reporting instead of the traditional system of ministerial responsibility. The author concludes that these organizational designs are beyond the pale of the Constitution's requirements for democratic control over public administration and suggests measures that may correct these deficiences. Sommaire: Au cours de la demière décennie, le gouvernement fédéeral a mis sur pied un certain nombre de fondations indépendantes visant à consacrer des fonds publics aux affaires publiques. Ces fondations ne comportent pas dans leur conception le contrôle démocratique prévu par la Constitution. Le présent article examine comment leur conception organisationnelle va à l'encontre des principes de gouvemement responsable ainsi que la politique même du gouvernement sur ce qu'on appelle les modes altematifs de prestation de services. L'article examine également la manière dont les concepteurs de ces fondations se sont fiés essentiellement à la reddition de comptes axés sur les résultats plutôt qu'au système traditionnel de respon‐sabilité ministérielle. L'auteur conclut que ces conceptions organisationnelles ne repondent pas aux exigences de la Constitution pour ce qui est du contrôle démocratique de l'administration publique et propose des mesures qui pourraient pallier à ces insuffisances.     

Cyberbullying: What's the problem?

Cyberbullying has been a difficult problem for policy makers and observers to define. For some, cyberbullying is understood as a public health problem, while others view it largely as an education issue, and still others see it as a justice problem. In Canada, while the definition of cyberbullying continues to evolve, a nascent approach assumes that it is similar to traditional face‐to‐face bullying with computer‐mediated communication as a new element. This definition is at odds with recent research on cyberbullying, which may have significant implications for policy makers seeking to design effective interventions.     

Globalization forces and social policy choices: Glass half‐full or half‐empty?

Globalization, Europeanization and the End of Scandinavian Social Democracy?Edited by robert geyer, christine ingebritsen and jonathon w. moses. London: Macmillan. 2000. Changing Politics of Canadian Social Policy. By james j. rice and michael j. prince. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 2000. Four Strong Winds: Understanding the Growing Challenges to Health Care. By michael b. decter Toronto: Stoddard. 2000. Now resident on Vancouver Island, the author was until recently a faculty member in the Department of political science at the University of Windsor.     

What metrics? On the utility of measuring the performance of policy research: An illustrative case and alternative from Employment and Social Development Canada

This article examines the state of performance measurement of policy research in government. The article observes that, to date, government policy research activities have seldom been the object of performance measurement, a factor we ascribe to the relative unsuitability of existing models rooted in a focus on outputs and outcomes, often at the expense of relationships and networks. In reference to the literature and the case study, the article proposes that existing performance measurement models are ill‐suited to the task of assessing policy research performance. As a result, the article proposes that a purpose‐built model may be needed to achieve this objective. Such a model, the Sphere of Influence of Research Policy model, is provided as an illustration.     

马克思主义哲学:解释的抑或是实践的?

当前,中国哲学界在发展马克思主义哲学途径问题的理解上,出现了或是回归文本研究,或是以西方解释学为方法观照理解马克思哲学,从而形成一股“以书解马”、“以西解马”的“解释化”浪潮。实际上,由于马克思哲学与西方哲学在空间语境及其哲学使命理解的不同,由于解释学有产生教条主义、相对主义的可能,解释学很难构成马克思主义哲学的发展路径。马克思主义哲学的发生、发展过程以及马克思主义中国化进程的经验教训形成的深刻启示在于,马克思主义哲学的繁荣,必须立足于中国当代社会实践,在与社会发展中的宏大事件的互动性结合中加以创新,才能真正实现。     

TMD:美国赖以构筑单极世界之剑?

今年以来,以美国为首的西方国家继“沙漠之狐”行动之后又对伊拉克进行了持续轰炸,更于最近置联合国维和机制于不顾,肆意介入本属一个主权国家内政的科索沃问题,对南联盟实施军事打击,并悍然对中国驻南大使馆进行野蛮轰炸,震惊了整个国际社会。与此同时,已酝酿多年...     

新的亚太均势:美国能成为平衡国吗?

冷战结束后，亚太地区的形势随着两极格局的瓦解而变化，新的力量平衡正在形成。美国是亚太地区最重要的国家，企图在新的地区均势中充当平衡国。然而，美国与亚太地区其他力量相互对比的变化，该地区现存力量结构中的不确定因素，以及新的均势体系与传统的均势体系之间的差别，都对美国的这一企图构成了障碍     

纠纷解决:司法行政领域可以贡献些什么?

中国的纠纷解决制度不仅应当多元化,而且应当体系化。完整的纠纷解决制度体系包括纠纷预防制度体系、纠纷评估与分流制度体系、纠纷化解制度体系和纠纷辅助化解制度体系。司法行政领域在纠纷解决制度的各个体系中都有广阔的施展空间。     

反思与前瞻:公安高等教育怎样面对21世纪?

本文从办学模式、指导思想、专业师资队伍和在职民警培训四方面对公安高等教育进行了反思 ,提出21世纪的公安高等教育应是“职业应用型” ,人才培养模式应全面转轨 ;实行学历教育与非学历教育二元模式并存 ,着眼通才 ,粗分专业 ,解决教师专业化问题。并指出解决公安高等教育存在三大瓶颈(教育观念、科学的课程体系与教材、专业师资)是21世纪公安高等教育的首要任务。     

The Prime Minister's Office: Catalyst or Cabal? Aspects of the development of the Office in Canada and some thoughts about its future†

Abstract. Surprisingly, little has been written in Canada about the Prime Minis-tership. Even less has been written about the Prime Minister's Office. This is not so surprising. A large and active Prime Minister's Office is a recent phenomenon having no precedent in British or Canadian political practice. Constitutionally, it might be argued that a Prime Minister's Office should not exist at all. The fact is, however, that it does exist in Canada, and that in recent years it has grown substantially in size and influence. This paper is in two parts. The first part outlines some of the key changes that have taken place in the Office since the election of Prime Minister Trudeau in 1968. The second part outlines some of the problems associated with this growth and suggests some ways in which the Office might be strengthened while ensuring that it respects the fundamental principles of parliamentary government. This paper concludes that the Prime Minister's Office, as it has developed in Canada during the past five years, performs a largely constructive role and that with certain adaptations and safeguards it will cmtinue to provide highly useful assistance to the Prime Minister in the execution of his increasingly varied and complex range of responsibilities. Sommaire. Il est surprenant de constater qu'il a été peu écrit au Canada sur le poste de Premier Ministre et encore moins sur le bureau du Premier Ministre. Ceci est moins étonnant. L'existence d'un bureau important et actif est un phénomène récent qui n'a pas de précédent dans la pratique politique britannique ou canadienne. Du point de vue constitutionnel, on pourrait soutenir que le bureau du Premier Ministre n'existe pas. Il n'en reste pas moins que son existence est un fait au Canada et qu'au cours des dernières années, ses proportions et son influence n'ont fait qu'augmenter. Cette communication est en deux parties. Dans la première, l'auteur expose les changements fondamentaux survenus dans le bureau depuis l'élection du Premier Ministre Trudeau en 1968. Dans la deuxième, il expose certains des problèmes qu'a suscité cette croissance et propose différents moyens de renforcer le bureau tout en s'assurant qu'il respecte les principes fondamentaux de gouvernement parlementaire. L'auteur conclut en déclarant que le bureau du Premier Ministre, tel qu'il s'est développé au Canada au cours des cinq dernières années joue un rôle surtout constructif et qu'avec certains ajustements et sauvegardes, il pourra continuer à fournir une aide extrêmement appréciable au Premier Ministre, dans l'exercice des fonctions de plus variées et complexes qui sont les siennes.     

Review of the Two-Order Construct of Public Service Motivation: Reflective or Formative?——Evidence Based on Data from Five Cities in Eastern and Central China

A construct is a phenomenon of theoretical interest, and is divided into reflective construct and formative construct. Public service motivation is a constructive or reflective construct, and there is some consensus among the academic circles that the first order of public service motivation is reflective.But there is a debate about the nature of the two order construction. It is found that the predictive ability and the degree of fit of the "first order reflective and second order reflective" conception of public service motivation in structural equation model are higher than the "first order reflective and second order formative".The direction of the relationship between public service motivation and its first-order potential variables in the context of grassroots public administration in China is from public service motivation to first-order potential variables, and public service motivation should be defined as a "first-order reflective second-order reflective" construct. In the future, researchers in public administration should carefully consider the nature of the constructs of public management and the effect of the nature of the constructs on the model.     

法学教育:何去何从?--警察专科院校法学教育改革的思考

针对当前警察专科院校法学教育存在的教育模式僵化,教学手段单一,课程设置缺乏科学性、随意性,教师队伍整体素质不够理想,教材陈旧、不切合学生实际情况等问题,应构建适合警察专科院校培养目标、适应社会需要的法学教育模式;优化教学方法,充分调动学生的积极性,提高教学的效果;科学地设置课程、选好教材;加强教师队伍建设等方面对其进行改革,使其步入良性发展的道路.