Media,citizenship and the politics of belonging in contemporary South Africa

Abstract

Drawing on a wide range of theoretical and empirical studies, the articles in this special issue examine issues of citizenship and belonging in South Africa. Questions of belonging and citizenship are neither novel, nor particular to South Africa – they have been high on the intellectual (and popular) agenda internationally since at least the early 1990s. Yet South Africa's history of artificially separating and defining its citizens in the racial regimes of colonialism and apartheid still reverberates today, as is reflected in the continued inequalities marring South African society. Post-apartheid governance of redress still requires the use of apartheid categories of ‘race’, but the terms under which we understand what it means to be South African are much wider, and require continued critical reflection. Using South Africa (and not the global North, as is so often the case) as the focal point for rethinking notions of citizenship and belonging, may urge us to rethink these notions and their meanings within fledgling democracies and societies in transition.     

South Africa: The politics of racial terminology

Survey of racial terminology employed in southern Africa since 1652 is discussed     

The rise of film production and the politics of the star system in South Africa

ABSTRACT

The rise of film production and the ubiquitous presence of the ‘new wave’ of South African films on the international scene in recent years have raised expectations amongst local film stars hoping to get their biggest break by taking leading roles in major South African productions. However, most of these films – particularly co-productions – have continuously used foreign stars in leading roles. As a result, local stars have constantly voiced concerns about the proliferation of foreign artists in leading roles in South African productions. Many explanations have been offered in trying to understand why filmmakers tend to cast a foreign star when a local one could probably do a better job (in, for example, portraying a local icon like Nelson Mandela) and still command a lesser fee. However, this article puts forward that most of these arguments are based on intuition rather than on the real dynamics and externalities governing this practice. The article attempts to make sense of this issue by arguing that the rationale for this practice stems from a film being a high-risk investment that it is driven by the broader financial imperatives of film production. The article offers empirical evidence to suggest that stars do not add economic value to the film, but to themselves (see Elberse 2005), since the bulk of the money goes towards their appearance fees. It is concluded that the traditional model guiding film finance and the logic behind it need to be looked at afresh, given the fact that several films have failed at the box office, both locally and internationally, despite featuring major foreign stars, compared to the massive success of some local films (e.g., Jerusalema, Tsotsi and Yesterday) with local stars in the leading roles.     

越南在中国-东盟次区域合作中的地位和作用

次区域合作将在中国-东盟自由贸易区建设中发挥重要作用.越南是唯一一个与中国有海陆相连的国家,区位优势独特.因此,越南将在中国与东盟的次区域合作中扮演重要角色.实际上,越南已经在中国-东盟的次区域合作中发挥了积极作用.广西要加强与越南的合作,共同推进中国-东盟的次区域合作.     

Public service privatisation and crisis in Argentina

This article discusses the privatisation of public services in Argentina in light of the severe crisis that afflicted the country between 1999 and 2002. An inadequate regulatory framework and the absence of effective regulatory agencies resulted in the exercise of monopolistic power over public service fees. The emergence of a series of external shocks, starting in 1997 with the SE Asia crisis, weakened the country's external accounts. In the context of a strict fixed exchange-rate regime, rising public service fees and overseas obligations contracted by the privatised firms placed growing pressure on the balance of payments. Although privatised firms were not directly responsible for the four-year recession or the balance-of-payments crisis, their actions contributed to the onset and prolongation of the difficulties faced by Argentina.     

Ethnic politics and election campaigns in contemporary Africa: evidence from Ghana and Kenya

Why do some political parties in new democracies base their campaigns on promises of national public goods while others do not? Parties in new democracies often eschew programmatic policy proposals in favour of appealing to voters’ ethnic identities, distributing non-programmatic benefits, or emphasizing the personalities of their candidates. However, this is not universally the case. This article examines recent campaign strategies in two nascent democracies in Africa: Ghana and Kenya. The findings suggest that programmatic campaigning is much more common than is assumed, but that parties have different preferences for how much programmatic content they include in their campaigns. The article argues that differences in campaign strategies are largely due to differences in the composition of ethnic support for competing parties. Parties that draw a majority of their support from a single large ethnic group are more likely to develop campaign strategies based on programmatic, policy-based appeals in the form of specific proposals for national public goods than are parties with a more diverse ethnic base of supporters. I argue that these appeals serve as a pre-election commitment to counteract fears among the electorate of domination by the large ethnic core of the party.     

Public resistance to privatisation in water and energy

Since the 1990s, development agencies and international institutions have promoted private-sector involvement in infrastructure, assuming that this would inject both investment and efficiency into the under-performing public sector. In the water and energy sectors, these expectations have not been fulfilled. Private-sector investment in developing countries is falling, multinational companies have failed to make sustainable returns on their investments, and the process of privatisation in water and energy has proved widely unpopular and encountered strong political opposition. This paper examines the role of this opposition in delaying, cancelling, or reversing the privatisation of water and energy. Local civil society has successfully mobilised highly effective political activity, its opposition being based on the perceived conflicts between privatisation and equity, and over the role of the state and community in these sectors. Such opposition has involved dynamic interactions with existing political parties and structures, including the use of existing electoral and judicial mechanisms. Its success poses challenges for the multilateral and donor community, NGOs, the opposition campaigns themselves, and the future of national systems of electricity and water.     

Public sector trade unions in the face of privatisation

This paper looks at the nature and extent of privatisation around the world, including an analysis of the bodies or interests which promote this 'panacea' policy. It identifies a number of responses which public sector trade unions have made to such policies, especially where these have been ideologically driven. It offers some examples of ways in which trade unions have developed their own models/proposals for modernisation of public services and shows how these have been both challenges and benefits to unions and service recipients. It looks at how agencies such as the World Bank have responded to these initiatives.     

大湄公河次区域产业协作机制探析

自1992年以来,大湄公河次区域经济合作(以下简称GMS)已经走过了16年的历程.虽然大湄公河次区域经济合作已经取得许多重要进展,而且合作潜力巨大,前景为外界所普遍看好,但GMS合作毕竟启动时间不长,而且是在差异性比较突出的发展中国家之间展开,受外界因素影响较深.     

The Role and Function of Xinjiang in Sub-regional Cooperation around Afghanistan

Xinjiang is the only Chinese territory that neighbors Afghanistan.It plays a special and important role and function in sub-regional cooperation around Afghanistan.Sub-regional Cooperation around AfghanistanAfghanistan is located in the hinterland of the Eurasian continent in the China,South Asia and Central Asia region.It is not only the vital communication hub of Eurasia and the Middle East,but also the necessary route for major powers moving west and east,or travelling up and down from north to south.Its geographic location is very important.Throughout history,a series of international actions,measures,mechanisms and planning projects have combined,with little success,to attempt to complete regional cooperation around or through Afghanistan.The key issue is the lack of a unified platform for cooperation that considers the needs and interests of all parties.     

GMS框架下次区域经济走廊功能的演变机制研究

大湄公河次区域经济合作(GMS)已经成为亚洲地区主要为欠发达地区发展服务的、最具活力的重要合作机制之一,形成了宽领域、多渠道、多元化、深层次的发展格局.经济走廊是在1998年GMS第八次部长会上提出的概念,是指将交通走廊的建设与经济发展相结合,为GMS各国之间的合作与往来提供便利.     

伊战后美欧建立中东"次区域"安全秩序的设想分析

伊拉克战争结束后,中东地区充满危机的安全局势始终是国际社会关注的焦点.鉴于中东地区范围广泛、问题复杂,短期内难以构建一项解决中东各种安全危机的整体战略,美国及其欧洲盟国提出了一个建立中东次区域安全秩序的战略设想.这一战略把大中东地区从地缘关系上划分为波斯湾地区、东地中海地区和西地中海地区三个区域,并把其战略重点集中于首先建立波斯湾地区的安全新秩序.建立波斯湾地区的安全新秩序,必须尽快稳定伊拉克战后的国内社会局势和妥善处理伊朗核危机.这不但需要美欧国家采取更加切合实际的措施,也需要波斯湾国家建立自己的安全合作机制,而且还需要包括中国在内的国际社会的共同合作与努力.     

越南参与大湄公河次区域经济合作的回顾与展望

越南地处湄公河流域最下游地区,自20世纪50年代以来就积极参与了湄公河流域的经济合作。但由于历史原因,越南在90年代初期一度对次区域的经济合作持谨慎的态度。1997年亚洲金融危机爆发以后,曾一直主导次区域经济合作进程的泰国因本国经济受到重创而不得不专注于国内事务,这给越南参与次区域的经济合作带来了良机。越南政府开始显示出积极的姿态,以“东西经济走廊”以及“两廊一圈”①的建设为重点,希望在次区域经济合作方面发挥独特的主导作用,从而备受关注。本文将在对越南在次区域中的区位优势进行分析的基础上,对20世纪90年代以来越南参…     

冷战后日本对湄公河次区域5国的官方发展援助(ODA)

本文主要介绍日本对湄公河次区域5国——越南、柬埔寨、老挝、缅甸和泰国的官方发展援助(ODA)政策和援助情况,并对日本对湄公河次区域ODA援助现状进行评价。     

The generosity moment: Ethnic politics,democratic consolidation and the state in Yugoslavia (Croatia), South Africa and Czechoslovakia

In the course of regime change in multiethnic societies there arises a critical juncture at which dominant ethnic groups must decide whether to accommodate minorities. Such critical junctures are called ‘generosity moments’. It is hypothesized that a generous, liberal approach towards minorities is the best way to ensure a peaceful transition, earn the democratic consent of minorities, and secure the legitimacy of the state. Competing ideas about the generosity moment are considered, such as the role structural factors play in determining political outcomes and the possibility that generosity will only encourage a series of unappeasable minority demands (the slippery slope thesis). This study finds that the structuring of ethnicity has a relatively stronger causal role to play than leadership variables in determining political outcomes. Czechoslovakia's ethnic structure (that is, homogeneous republics, no historical memory of interethnic war, and the absence of contested borders) inhibited the integrative effects of generosity and instead made possible a slippery slope dynamic. South Africa indicates that generosity can make a difference in some cases, but the more intense, multiple cleavages of Yugoslavia suggests limits to its effectiveness.     

中国云南省参与大湄公河次区域贸易状况及对策研究

大湄公河次区域(GMS)合作由湄公河流域的6个国家参加,旨在改善该区域的基础设施,扩大贸易与投资。本文以中国云南省与该次区域的其他国家的贸易活动为出发点,通过分析云南省参与GMS合作的贸易状况,提出云南参与和推动次区域经济合作的思路,以推动云南省经济的发展。