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1.
波音公司对中美关系的作用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
刘杨 《当代亚太》2004,(1):36-43
跨国公司与母国和东道国之间存在着一种复杂的关系,跨国公司受到母国和东道国政策的影响,但又会通过自身的活动对两国及其双边关系产生影响.波音公司作为一个与国家安全有密切关系的跨国公司,在与中美政府的关系中受到国家利益、政府政策等多方面的牵制,但是它又积极通过自身活动对两国政府和双边关系起积极或消极的作用,并且在此过程中追求其商业利益.这实际上是一个三方互动的过程,中美政府和波音公司都在这一过程中寻求各自利益的最大化.  相似文献   

2.
Armed Forces and Modern Counter‐Insurgency edited by Ian F.W. Beckett and John Pimlott Croom Helm, London, 1985. vi plus 232 pp. including maps, notes and index. £19,95.

Counter‐Insurgency in Rhodesia by J.K. Cilliers Croom Helm, London, 1985. 266 pp. including tables, figures, bibliography and index. £16,95.  相似文献   


3.
Abstract

The War against Vietnam has done much to America. It has weakened the economy. It has aggravated social tensions. And it has opened the way for large numbers of Americans to see the racism, the imperialism and the genocide that is so pervasive and yet so deeply buried in American history. By fighting so successfully, the Vietnamese people have helped Americans make a space for revolutionary thought and revolutionary politics in America. While it is true that the American left has been largely unable to take advantage of the widespread discontent that the War has created, there has been a significant erosion in the effectiveness of many American institutions. Central among these institutions is the military. When the values and interests of a ruling class are seriously challenged, its political power does come out of the barrel of a gun; and so the fading effectiveness of the American military is of the deepest concern to America’s “leaders.”  相似文献   

4.
美国在亚洲有广泛的政治、商务和战略利益,为此,美国提出了对亚洲的商务外交策略,即通过积极推进双边和区域自由贸易和投资协定的签署,提升与亚洲各国的政治和外交关系,并通过发挥在世界贸易组织(WTO)和亚太经济合作组织(APEC)中的领导作用,保障其在亚洲的战略利益.美国在亚洲的商务外交策略还包括:通过"东盟企业发展动议"积极参与东盟的经济一体化进程,全面实施新时期的对华战略,在军事和亚洲事务上与日本保持合作,并把印度作为制衡中国和日本的战略伙伴国,从而巩固其在亚洲的主导地位.  相似文献   

5.
Books reviewed in this article:
J. F. Powers, The Stories of J. F. Powers
J. F. Powers, Morte D'Urban
J. F. Powers, Wheat That Springeth Green  相似文献   

6.
中印关系中的美国因素   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
中国、美国和印度之间的三边关系近来比较引人注目。冷战期间三方中的两方经常联合起来反对第三方,中印在经历短期的友好以后,也曾相互开战,之后美国因素逐步变得重要。随着国际格局的演变,中国和印度都在积极与美国发展关系,同时中印之间的关系也在不断改善。当前在恐怖主义的共同威胁和全球化的推动下,过去那种对抗和遏制的模式将不会再现,三个国家将更加紧密地结合。尽管中印关系中的美国因素依然重要,但在现实中其作用正在降低。  相似文献   

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8.
Ki Moon Ban 《East Asia》1992,11(2):49-56
As a way of conclusion, let me get back to where I started, which is my observation on the U.S. presidential election. Despite the scant attention paid to foreign policy issues, certain common threads seem to emerge in the foreign policy platforms of the major presidential candidates. One is the intention to stay engaged in world affairs in closer cooperation with allies and other friendly countries. Another is the importance given to promoting the values of liberal democracy and market economy in U.S. foreign policy. As a major ally of the United States, Korea cherishes its security and economic ties with the United States and intends to develop these ties even in the post-cold war era. Most importantly, Korea takes pride in the common political and economic values it shares with the United States. Whatever challenges might arise in the days to come, the shared values between Korea and the United states will serve us so that the two countries can continue to develop their relationships in the twenty-first century and beyond.  相似文献   

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10.
环境问题与美国国家安全战略   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
薄燕 《美国研究》2002,16(2):79-92
本文认为环境安全是美国国家安全的重要组成部分.这是因为环境问题对美国国家安全客观上造成了现实和潜在的威胁性,主观上美国在国家安全战略中已经把环境问题确认为安全问题.美国在防务环境安全的政策和实践方面领先于其他国家,但在国际机制的某些方面过于关注自身的相对收益,阻碍了国际环境合作.  相似文献   

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12.
Small states, argued Peter Katzenstein a quarter of a century ago, were different. Faced with the fluctuations of world markets, they adopt democratic corporatism and domestic compensation, thus ensuring political legitimacy and successful economic adjustment. The Baltic countries are an interesting case study for this framework, because in many ways they are “smaller” than the seven countries analyzed by Katzenstein. This article finds that, on a broader level, Katzenstein’s framework is very helpful in highlighting the key developments in the Baltic countries. On the other hand, the specific causal mechanism that can be drawn from this framework running from smallness, to democratic corporatism, to political legitimacy, as well as domestic compensation, has not developed in the Baltics.  相似文献   

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14.
意识形态在美国外交政策中的地位   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
刘建飞 《美国研究》2001,15(2):70-86
意识形态在美国外交政策中占有十分重要的地位,它一方面是美国的外交"理念",是目标之一,是判定根本国家利益的依据;另一方面是推行外交政策的重要工具.在美国外交政策中,意识形态是国家利益的重要组成部分,但不是最基本的部分,与国家安全、经济利益相比处于次要地位.在美国外交政策指导思想中,无论是理想主义还是现实主义,乃至孤立主义、国际主义、民族主义、实用主义,都有意识形态的一席之地.  相似文献   

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18.
美援与战后台湾的经济改造   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
牛可 《美国研究》2002,16(3):66-87
本文意在对1950年后十多年间美国因素在政策和制度层面上对台湾发展的影响进行深入考察.本文发现,美国对台湾施加影响的一个重要的和基层的途径,是美国驻台机构与台湾经济官僚集团之间形成的"跨政府关系".这种关系有其特有的组织载体和制度机制,并成为战后前期台湾经济发展的重要制度基础和政策、战略形成的关键因素.文章进而叙述了在跨政府关系的架构下,美国驻台机构和台湾经济官僚是如何共同导演了台湾的进口替代工业化和发展战略的转型.本文认为,虽然美国因素对战后台湾经济发展模式的形成有重大而深刻的影响,但并没有在台湾复制出符合"自由发展主义"理念的美式经济模式.  相似文献   

19.
His publications includeChina’s Development Experience in Comparative Perspective, and, with Allen Whiting,China’s Future. This is a revised version of a paper presented at a conference on “Problems of Peace, Security and Economic Cooperation in Asia and the Pacific” June 1987, in Beijing, P.R.C. The conference was co-sponsored by the Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies and the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations, Beijing, P.R.C.  相似文献   

20.
Whyalla epitomised the promises of industrialism and consumerism during Australia’s Golden Age of capitalism, roughly 1945–1975. Located on South Australia’s Eyre Peninsula, Whyalla was a bustling industrial town (later a city) following the Second World War. It was home to the shipyard of Broken Hill Proprietary Company Limited (BHP) and, from 1965, a steelworks. Before the war, Whyalla had been a company town, one planned and directed by BHP. Following the Second World War, it had morphed into a hybrid public–private town, albeit one that was heavily influenced by BHP, so much so that many still considered Whyalla to be a company town. Drawing from company materials, parliamentary records, oral histories, and the Whyalla News, this article argues that, together, BHP, the South Australian government, and residents conveyed and developed Whyalla to be an “Industrial Eden”. These actors forged postwar Whyalla to be a metaphor for what BHP, South Australia, and, ultimately, Australia had to offer. Whyalla represented progress, modernity, abundance, and stability. Moreover, it was presented and even accepted as a great place to live and work. For a moment, Whyalla was a capitalist utopia.  相似文献   

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