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1.
The study of public opinion toward the police in Taiwan has not, heretofore, included comparative research. The current study fills this void in the literature by analyzing the data from the World Values Surveys. It was found that Taiwanese confidence in the police was reasonably good for a society experiencing democratic transition. Although lower than many more mature democratic societies such as Finland and the USA, confidence in the police is among the top one-third of fifty countries and is significantly higher than those found in other Asian and European countries that also experienced democratic transition. Further regression analyses of data from the Philippines, South Korea and Taiwan indicated that the differences between those three countries are substantive and cannot be explained away after the demographic social and attitudinal variables have been controlled.An early version of this paper was presented at “The Second International Conference in Crime and Its Control,” Taiwan, April 2005. We would like to thank Professors Susyan Jou and Lanying Huang, for providing information on Taiwan, and Professor Alethea Helbig, for polishing the languages of the paper. The views expressed in the paper are all ours. 相似文献
2.
There has been a growing interest in the historical development of criminology(ies) throughout the world. This paper examines the development of criminology in Taiwan (Republic of China) using both questionnaire and interview data. Textbooks, institutional development, and research activity are taken as proxy measures of a criminological tradition. Beginning with criminology in Republican China (1929–1949), the article explores the key features of change in criminology against the background of Taiwan's own particular adoption of social, political and economic ‘modernisation’. Foreign influence and the contemporary meaning of ‘indigenous’ are considered. The article ends with a research agenda for a grounded historical sociology of criminology on Taiwan; key identified research questions relate to sponsorship, research priorities and the production of criminological knowledge; the reception of research by policy communities and practitioners; the relationship between criminological knowledge and politics; and the processes of selective appropriation. 相似文献
3.
一直以来,公共卫生以控制传染性疾病的蔓延为首要目的。相应地,公共卫生法制的工作重心和学术讨论,也主要集中于如何规范控制疾病传染过程中政府公权力的行使。而近年来全球范围内非传染性慢性疾病,例如糖尿病、肥胖和吸烟导致的各种心脏病和癌症等,逐渐取代传染性疾病,成为导致人类患病以及死亡的主要原因。为了应对客观情况的变化,公共卫生措施不断突破传统的法律边界,以继续发挥其保护和促进公众健康的作用。面对公共卫生措施的革新步伐,我们对公共卫生法制的思考也应该推陈出新。本文以控烟和肥胖防控等新兴的公共卫生措施为例,揭示传统法学理论视角的不足,并提供一个以社会正义为导向、群体为视角的法理框架。 相似文献
4.
This paper investigates the personal and environmental determinants of public security perceptions across 32 Chinese cities
within the risk/opportunity framework of Cohen and Felson’s (American Sociological Review 44:588–608, 1979) routine activity theory. Structural path analysis reveals that public security perceptions in China are informed by similar
personal and environment characteristics to those reported as important in extant research within Western contexts. However,
the frequently reported influence of gender on public security perceptions in the West does not appear to extend to post-reform
urban China. The results provide support for the routine activity theory in terms of extending our understanding of the factors
that influence perceptions of public security to a non-Western context. 相似文献
5.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(3):685-699
Several alternative indicators are currently available to researchers, policy makers, and practitioners for gauging levels and patterns of illicit drug use within and across communities. Yet there exists little information that allows reliable comparisons across indicators to determine whether they tell essentially the same story about variation in the prevalence of drug use. In particular, it remains unclear how closely arrest statistics, the leading law enforcement indicator of illicit drug use, correspond to other law enforcement indicators, such as urine tests of jail inmates, or to public health measures, such as emergency departments' and medical examiners' reports. In this paper we assess the relationships between alternative law enforcement and public health indicators of cocaine, heroin, and marijuana use for a sample of large U.S. cities. We find pronounced convergence across measurement systems in cocaine and heroin use, but little convergence for marijuana use. In addition to other research and policy implications, these results increase confidence in the use of arrest data to assess variation across urban areas in cocaine and heroin use. 相似文献
6.
Yin-Bin Ning 《Liverpool Law Review》2012,33(1):67-76
My paper begins with an analysis of recent emergence in Taiwan of public discourse and administrative ordinances that aim
to regulate the internet, TV programs, newspapers, romance novels, comics, video games, education, obscenity laws and teenage
culture. My analysis points out that the discourse and regulations have signaled significant changes in the relationship between
Taiwan’s civil society and its nation-state. An exclusive civil society, a concept which I have partly drawn from Jock Young’s
The Exclusive Society, is emerging as an extension of state power rather than as the antithesis of the state. I argue that
as a result of this development of the exclusive society and the new regulatory state, a “culture war” between socio-cultural
exclusion and social freedom (especially in the area of sexuality) is now being waged in Taiwan’s civil society. The role
of the mainstream NGOs, the tactics of regulation and the wider context of this culture war will be analyzed in this paper. 相似文献
7.
Using our own experiences in attempting to ‘do’ public criminology in the wake of a violent sexual assault on our campus,
we offer a critique of the emerging public criminology framework. Focusing specifically on tensions between fact and emotion
and representations of expertise in the news media, we argue for a greater respect for emotional responses to crime in moving
the public criminology agenda forward. We suggest that if public criminology sets as its goal educating the public about crime
with an eye towards injecting a counter/critical discourse into ‘get tough’ crime control policies, then public criminologists
need to recognize and take seriously the public’s emotions rather than negate them. Drawing on the work of Ahmed (The cultural
politics of emotion. Routledge, London, 2004), we suggest that the role of the expert is not to simply inform citizens of the ‘facts’ about crime, but to establish—through
emotions—the relationship between themselves and the imagined criminal Other (Young in Imagining crime: Textual outlaws and criminal conversations.
Sage Publications, London, 1996). Thus, alongside trying to convince the public to be more ‘rational’ when it comes to crime, critical criminologists must
start to accept people’s fear and anger as legitimate reactions and try to redirect these emotions toward more productive
ends. 相似文献
8.
Luís de Sousa 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(1):5-22
The anti-corruption activity of the 1990s is characterized by the rise of new players, such as specialized anti-corruption
bodies. Anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) are public bodies of a durable nature, with a specific mission to fight corruption
and reducing the opportunity structures propitious for its occurrence in society through preventive and/or repressive measures.
Independently of their format and powers, ACAs encounter various constraints to their mandate, which explains the meagre results
obtained by some of them. This introductory paper tries to understand the rise, future, and implications of this new kind
of “integrity warrior” and to locate them in the evolving doctrine of corruption control. The objective of this edited volume
is to re-launch the debate on ACAs as the most innovative feature of the anti-corruption movement of the last two decades. 相似文献
9.
This article challenges the widespread view that democraticaccountability is unattainable in global politics because ofthe impracticality of establishing global elections. Instead,it argues that global democratic accountability can potentiallybe achieved by instituting non-electoral mechanisms that performequivalent accountability functions through more workable institutionalmeans. This argument is defended at a theoretical level, andfurther illustrated by analysing an empirical case study ofthe institutions through which labour standards in the globalgarment industry are determined. The article first explainswhy electoral mechanisms are no longer a viable means for achievingdemocratic accountability in political contexts such as theglobal garment industry, that are characterized by the decentralizeddispersion of public decision-making power among a range oforganizationally disparate state and non-state actors. It thenidentifies the key democratic function of electoral accountabilityas that of ensuring a reasonable degree of public control overpublic decision-making, and argues that this normative functioncan, in principle, be legitimately performed through non-electoralas well as electoral mechanisms. Finally, it elaborates thekey institutional features of a legitimate framework of non-electoralaccountability public transparency and public disempowerment and illustrates how these functions could potentiallybe achieved in practice, with reference to the example of theglobal garment industry. 相似文献
10.
11.
Elliott Currie 《Critical Criminology》1996,7(1):37-52
A long and impressive criminological tradition links crime to what social scientists call ‘persistent poverty’-and, in particular,
to the corrosive effects of inadequate labor markets on a variety of social institutions. But few anticrime policies have
seriously confronted those conditions, even at the height of the Great Society of the 1960s. With only scattered exceptions,
those policies have sought to enhance the individual capacities of children and youth without substantially altering the surrounding
economic institutions. An anticrime strategy for the next century that is both more effective and consistent with what we
know about the roots of crime must involve measures that more directly address the labor market itself. Among other things,
these measures include direct public job creation, systematic efforts to up grade wages, and greater support for labor organization.
This essay is a revised version of a background paper presented at The Social Science Research Council Policy Conference on
‘Persistent Poverty’ in Washington D.C., November, 1993. 相似文献
12.
Geoffrey R. Skoll 《International Journal for the Semiotics of Law》2007,20(2):107-127
Terrorism is a notoriously plastic word, depending on user, audience, and political context. This paper focuses on shifts
in its meanings since the early 1970s. As federal statutes made terrorism a criminal offense, common usage changed from a
broad meaning to one that specified terrorism as a political crime. The argument is that the state shapes meaning and public
discourse through law. Peircean semiotics and the semiotic philosophy of Russian linguist Vološinov provide a framework to
explore relationships among politics, law, and civil life. Applied to the events of September 11, 2001 such an analysis further
allows better understanding of certain interpreters of the September 11 attacks, notably Jean Baudrillard, Jacques Derrida,
and Jürgen Habermas. 相似文献
13.
In this paper we articulate and test the hypothesis that TFP is a reliable and relevant measure of firm’s innovation capabilities,
and, as such, accounts for Tobin’s q indicator. With this aim, we investigate empirically the relationship between firm level total factor productivity and the
Tobin’s q. Measuring Tobin’s q allows inferring the actual value of knowledge capital from stock market valuation. We use a panel of companies listed on
UK and the main continental Europe financial markets (Germany, France and Italy) for the period 1995–2005. Our results confirm
that TFP is a reliable indicator of firm’s innovative capabilities. When we control for firm’s R&D investments and intangible
assets, the effects of TFP on market value remain highly significant. This suggests that TFP is a broader measure of innovation
capability than R&D is. The validation of the Tobin’s q and TFP relationship has important implications concerning firm’s technological innovation measurement. 相似文献
14.
民间治安防范力量在大陆地区和台湾地区都发挥着重要作用。台湾民间治安防范工作取得了很好的社会效益,犯罪率明显下降,警民关系、邻里关系融洽,他山之石可以攻玉,希望大陆地区保留已有的先进经验的前提下,借鉴台湾地区的优秀工作成果,进一步完善大陆地区的民间治安防范力量。 相似文献
15.
On 10 April 2007, the United States requested consultationswith China regarding trading rights for publications and audiovisualproducts. Following US—Gambling, this case is likely toprovoke the next clash between free trade and public morals.This article takes an abstract approach to the scope and contentof the public morals and public order exceptions in the GATSand the GATT and, given the absence of a public order exceptionunder the GATT, analyzes how these two concepts interrelatewith one another. In this regard, the finding in US—Gamblingthat Members should individually define the scope of ArticleXIV(a) GATS is critically examined, but the article suggeststhat it deserves support based on an interpretation in accordancewith general principles of the law of treaties. Following theidentification of instruments that limit the risk for abuseof the morals and order exceptions, the article will turn tothe scope-related aspect regarding the justifiability of extraterritorialmeasures. 相似文献
16.
Zhenmin Wang 《Frontiers of Law in China》2006,1(1):72-78
In Late Qing Dynasty, the Chinese Law Family was disintegrated and the Western Law was introduced into China. Finally, China
adopted the European continental Roman law tradition. This paper analyzes the reason for China’s borrowing of such legal system
and probes its development and reform in the later years. It also tries to answer the question of what will be the possible
impact upon the current Chinese legal system since China now implements the policy of “one country two systems” in order to
realize its reunification with Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. In addition, it will make some prediction upon the future development
of Chinese legal system.
Translated from Tsinghua Law Review, Vol. 2, 1999 (in Chinese) 相似文献
17.
Gang Lee Richard C. Hollinger Dean A. Dabney 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》1999,23(2):157-177
This paper uses self-report data from the 1993 National Shopping Center Security Survey to examine the growing problem of
crime at shopping centers located in the United States. Security managers from 369 shopping centers provided data on crime
incidents, private security measures, and numerous shopping center demographic measures. Data are analyzed via LISREL using
bivariate regression modeling. Results show that there is no direct relationship between the private security measures at
the shopping center and the occurrence of property, violent, or public order crimes on the premises. Instead, private security
presence is shaped by the size of the shopping center. Direct effects were also found between the incidence of crime on the
premises and the size of the shopping center and the presence of various “problematic” persons (i.e., gangs and loitering
groups of youth). Possible implications for shopping center security are considered. 相似文献
18.
Qianfan Zhang 《Frontiers of Law in China》2007,2(1):23-43
This paper discusses the evolution and recent trends in the development of the constitutional concept of “public use” in the
case-law history of the United States starting from the source of US government’s taking powers and the original meaning of
the Taking Clause in the Fifth Amendment of the United States Constitution. Since the concepts of “public use” and “public
interest” are extremely difficult to be defined, it is very hard for the US courts to develop a relevant operative criterion.
In the United States, the safeguard of “public interest” in taking mainly lies legislative rather than judicial control. In
a democratic society, legislative judgment is highly respected by the courts and the entire takeovers that conform to public
use as determined by the Congress are usually deemed constitutional. In this sense, the Congress is a “public interest machine”,
which automatically generates laws and decisions on behalf of public interests through the democratic representative process.
The paper eventually suggests that China should divert its attention from the theoretical definition of “public interest”
to institutional construction, and should make the National and Local People’s Congresses and their standing committees to
play major roles in deciding taking and compensation schemes.
__________
Translated from Zhongguo Faxue 中国法学 (China Law), 2005, (5): 36–45 相似文献
19.
Christopher K. Penny 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(1):35-71
Climate change is a security problem that requires global solutions. Despite some important recent advances, current international
responses to climate change are inadequate. This paper assesses whether the United Nations Security Council possesses sufficient
legal authority to compel states to address the causes and consequences of climate change. While not advocating the immediate
adoption of coercive measures, this paper initiates discussion of this issue, with the goal of developing an institutional
framework within which to respond to this emerging threat, if necessary. The paper begins with a brief overview of the clear
links between climate change and security, and the inadequacy to date of international remedial efforts. This is followed
by a detailed analysis of Security Council legal authority, in particular the UN Charter, including a discussion of its evolving
invocation in the context of non-traditional threats. Applying this legal framework to the specific issue of climate change
demonstrates the substantial authority of the Security Council to take binding decisions relating to this subject, and its
wide range of available enforcement measures, recognizing that political will to exercise and support this authority is required
for any successful Security Council efforts to address climate change. The paper concludes that the Security Council has the
legal authority to address the causes and consequences of climate change, and that its recent counter-terrorism and non-proliferation
measures provide an illustrative institutional framework within which to address this emerging ‘threat to international peace
and security’.
相似文献
Christopher K. PennyEmail: |
20.
John R. Rowan 《Social Justice Research》1997,10(1):23-34
In a recent paper, Messick described a framework for understanding the often intractable nature of social conflict, and suggested
a method (the Messick Method) of resolving such conflict. My aim in this paper is to examine Messick’s approach from a philosophical
perspective. More specifically, the question to be addressed is whether a philosophical method of resolution might, in some
significant way, be superior to the Messick Method. The conclusion is that a collaboration of both methods, in the spirit
of Messick’s suggestion, can contribute to resolving social conflict. 相似文献