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1.
A personal view of East Asia, focusing on China, this article examines the efforts of Chinese and British officials in Hong Kong during the mid-1980s to develop practical and durable local solutions, since the survival of a vigorous Hong Kong was a mutual interest. Japan was a very different challenge and a hugely enjoyable posting. There was an ever wider and stronger bilateral agenda. Japan's recovery from recession was slow but demonstrated impressive inherent capability.  相似文献   

2.
今天,亚洲正在经历一个急剧的转型过程. 这个广阔的次大陆既蕴含着巨大的投资、科技和革新潜力,同时也是许多现代性挑战和威胁的发源之地.  相似文献   

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A personal view of East Asia, focusing on China, this article examines the efforts of Chinese and British officials in Hong Kong during the mid-1980s to develop practical and durable local solutions, since the survival of a vigorous Hong Kong was a mutual interest. Japan was a very different challenge and a hugely enjoyable posting. There was an ever wider and stronger bilateral agenda. Japan's recovery from recession was slow but demonstrated impressive inherent capability.  相似文献   

5.
本文使用修正的KSS非线性单位根检验方法,研究了以亚洲货币单位为计价单位的东盟及中、日、韩3国货币相对美元的收敛性问题。实证分析发现:韩元和菲律宾比索在10%显著水平上、泰铢在5%显著水平上是非线性过程收敛的;柬埔寨瑞尔、人民币、港元、日元、老挝基普、马来西亚林吉特、缅元和新加坡元均是非线性长期收敛的。总的说来,10+3国家具有创建共同汇率机制的可能。  相似文献   

6.
东亚合作与日本亚洲外交走向   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
日本亚洲外交的重点是以建立自由贸易区为目标 ,深化同东盟的全面经济合作关系 ,力图主导东亚金融合作 ,增大对安全合作的影响以及谋求日朝关系正常化。这些外交举措有针对中国和配合美国战略的因素。今后日本将着力开展经济外交攻势 ,加强同中国的竞争并极力保持同朝鲜的接触和对话。  相似文献   

7.
从希拉里东亚行看奥巴马政府亚洲政策走向   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文从希拉里东亚行入手分析奥巴马政府亚洲政策的走向及影响.希拉里东亚之行为奥巴马政府亚洲外交开了好头.奥巴马政府的亚洲政策在继承布什政府亚洲外交遗产的基础上,出现了一些变化,这对美国与亚洲的盟友关系、东亚安全合作以及中美关系将产生一定影响.  相似文献   

8.
北约"亚洲政策"的表现及其影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
北约的“亚洲政策”包括中东政策、中亚政策和亚太政策三个部分,三者交叉进行,互相影响。北约“亚洲政策”的整体战略设想在于:以整合亚洲战略安全格局为契机,构建全球新安全结构。北约的“亚洲政策”不仅对亚洲政治与安全走向产生重大影响,而且也影响到北约自身的安全战略与政治发展道路。  相似文献   

9.
  With Asia's economy still booming in the second half of the 1990's “Asian values” were announced by some politicians (Lee Kuan Yew, Mahatir, Ishihara, Mahbubani etc.) and contrasted with “Western values”. Soon a controversial debate within Asia ensued (Kim, Fidel Ramos ea..), into which also the western democracies joined. The “West” however reacted rather defensively to the new assertiveness of some Asian statesmen, inspite of the fact that the authors of this debate put into question the western dominance in global value setting which has been in existence since the French revolution. But has this debate withstood the test of time, the challenges posed by the recession in Asia and by the ever increasing globalization? Hardly. The crisis has destroyed the notion that “Asian values” had been the main cause and guarantor of Asia's exorbitant growth rates. While in the West Christianity forms the essential basics of culture, in Asia there is a multitude of coexisting - and frequently confronting world religions. There is no other continent which in cultural and political terms is so contradictory and potentially conflict ridden like Asia. “Asianism” as a concept was surely also intended as an instrument to integrate multiethnic Asian societies with weak internal cohesion. At the same time it served to neutralize the human rights issue. In the meantime the debate has become quieter and more dispassionate. In the developed West the notion gained acceptance to abandon “Eurocentrism”. At the same time there is recognition that “Asian values” are not exclusive. Also in Europe the family plays a special role. A debate on values is needed for societal integration – also in the “West” which should become more aware of the need to reassert the origins of its own spiritual foundations. Following September 11th the west is well advised to continue the dialogue on values with Asia. Update and expanded version of an article first published in: Au?enpolitik IV/1996, p. 326 “Beginnt das pazifische Jahrhundert?” I would like to thank Julia Prati for the translation of the updated and expanded version of this article  相似文献   

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The title of this paper indicates that the subject matter involves a process. It is a gradual process, step by step , since there are still many constraints: the complete normalization between China and Japan; the acceptance of the US, openly or tacit; and ASEAN's credibility, which will depend on the efforts to build the ASEAN Community. The process probably involves more than only East Asia in the geographical sense, because it would be sensible to include India, Australia and New Zealand as well. An Asian Security Community appears premature. But an extended East Asian community, which has a security component, could be a possibility. How this will unfold further will depend on how successful this regional process will be. East Asia cannot emulate the EU because it is a more diverse region than Europe, but East Asia can learn from the EU.  相似文献   

12.
当前,亚洲仍然受到日益严峻和复杂的安全威胁,恐怖主义问题仍然困扰东南亚地区。自从2005年10月1日在巴厘岛发生自杀性爆炸案以来,恐怖主义的威胁更大了。更为严重的是,随着2005年恐怖主义袭击事件的发生,很多新生的恐怖团伙出现了。据悉有些团伙是回教祈祷团组织的分支机构。恐怖主义网络在调整、在变化,把更棘手、更烦恼的问题摆在了世人面前。由于菲律宾和泰国南部的恐怖发生区一直得不到和平保障,这些问题显得更加复杂了。对于本区域的国家来说,为应付日益复杂的恐怖主义网络,关键的不仅仅是联合打击,而是互相帮助,共同寻求一条和平解决…  相似文献   

13.
虽然后新自由主义、后东亚模式分别受到华盛顿共识、北京共识的追捧与推崇,韩国、中国台湾地区的新东亚模式由于政治转型的阵痛而备受冷落.然而,与后新自由主义导致经济依附性发展不断加深,社会贫富差距不断扩大,后东亚模式导致政府失灵加剧,金权勾结普遍化相比,新东亚模式地区的经济发展与社会发展更为协调,经济发展的可持续性更强.随着后发国家发展环境的改变,新自由主义与东亚模式已经失去其存在的合理性,只有通过积极的战略转型,依靠民主宪政和有限贸易保护政策制约政府失灵,减少市场失灵,后发国家才能够避免经济的过度依附性发展,缩小社会贫富差距,增强发展的可持续性,实现现代化的赶超.  相似文献   

14.
东亚区域整合的宏观形势与东亚峰会   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
第八届东盟与中日韩领导人会议决定今年举行首届东亚峰会,标志着东亚区域整合进入新的阶段,其宏观形势的基本特点是:东亚区域整合的基本条件渐趋成熟,表现为国家发展目标的接近;区域经济规模扩大和区域内经济相互依存度日益增强等。由于经济全球化的压力等,东亚区域整合具有了紧迫性。东亚区域整合面临相互信任的缺乏、如何处理与美国的关系等困难。正确认识东亚区域整合的宏观形势,对东亚区域整合的顺利发展具有重要意义。  相似文献   

15.
East Asia is the most dynamic region in global economy and it is also a region with interwoven contradictions and growing potential conflicts. East Asian cooperation serves as an important channel of boosting regional economy and curbing political and security confrontation. The East Asian Community, once defined as the long-term goal of East Asian cooperation, should remain to play a guiding role.  相似文献   

16.
英国MIT出版公司 (MITPress ,London) 2 0 0 0年出版《美国的亚洲同盟》(America’sAsianAlliances)一书。书中提出的关于亚太安全机制的新主张 ,引起了有关国家和舆论的关注。该书起草人为九名美国和澳大利亚战略专家 ,包括两国前政府重要官员、军界人士和学者 ,如美国哈佛大学副校长、老布什政府欧洲事务特别助理罗伯特·布莱克威尔、亚太政策中心主任 (前国家安全委员会官员 )保尔·道格拉斯、澳大利亚战略防务中心主任保罗·迪布和澳前副外长斯图尔特·哈里斯等。书中内容涉及美国的亚太安全战…  相似文献   

17.
This article offers an assessment of cross-Strait relations almost 30 months into the Ma Ying-jeou administration, and two years before Hu Jintao likely will begin to give up the titles that make him China's paramount leader. The article briefly describes the essential character of cross-Strait relations before President Ma came to office; reviews what has happened during his administration; clarifies what this process represents; examines what might happen in the future, and concludes with implications for other countries— particularly the United States.  相似文献   

18.
过去10年中,中国和东盟在政治、经济和安全领域的合作都取得了突出的成就。在合作过程中,双方不断建构和拓展了共同利益,为双方关系的继续推进积累了经验。展望未来,中国与东盟关系的推进尽管面临一些挑战,但是双方的战略伙伴关系将会继续深化和推进。  相似文献   

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自20世纪80年代开始,东南亚新娘逐渐成为中国台湾省社会的一个特殊人群。本文主要对东南亚新娘嫁入台湾的原因、东南亚新娘在台湾的生活情况、台湾当局对东南亚新娘的管理和扶助措施进行介绍和分析。  相似文献   

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