效率、公平与公共政策

效率是社会经济发展的重要保证,而公平是衡量人类文明的重要尺度,是维护社会稳定的价值基础。效率与公平是辩证的对立统一,既有矛盾性又有统一性。公共政策的关键就是要协调与整合二者之间的关系,确保既能提高经济效率,又能实现社会公平——借助市场机制达到资源的有效配置,以提高效率;依靠社会主义制度解决财富分配不公,以彰显公平。将效率与公平完美地结合于公共政策之中,是社会主义优越性的充分体现。     

马克思主义的效率与公平观

运用马克思主义的观点和方法,分析效率与公平的含义、实质及其对立统一的辩证关系,探讨社会主义市场经济条件下处理效率和公平问题的方法论原则。     

公平与效率的均衡分析

研究公平与效率的关系,可以构建公平效率理论模型和公平效益决策模型,从社会福利最大化来把握公平与效率的“度”,解析在20世纪90年代初期的历史背景下我国提出“效率优先,兼顾公平”政策的合理性。目前公平在一定程度上成为制约经济增长的一个重要因素,必须以更大力度解决公平问题。     

和谐社会观:寻求公平与效率的均衡

和谐社会观有其深厚的历史文化渊源。在当代,和谐社会观体现了当代社会发展的根本要求。和谐社会的形成既有利益关系的协调性,又有价值观上的普遍性。利益讲的是效率,价值则注重的是公平,效率强调的是资源配置的有效性,公平注重的是分配的合理性,二者相辅相成,共存共荣。公平与效率之间的关系,也要与时俱进,不是一成不变的。和谐社会观,就是现阶段的经济社会发展要逐步实现公平与效率的均衡,并把此种意义上的公平与效率问题作为和谐社会观的根本问题。     

试论公平与效率的关系

公平与效率是衡量社会均衡发展的重要尺度。不同经济制度和社会发展时期形成的公平与效率的价值观念不同。完全自由竞争的市场经济和纯粹计划经济的实践共同证明离开公平讲效率最终难以实现最佳效率,离开效率讲公平最终也达不到真正的公平。“效率优先,兼顾公平”的分配原则更体现了社会主义市场经济的优越性。     

提升分配理念促进效率与公平

调整和提升收入分配理念,是基于我国现实收入分配依存的一系列背景因素、面临的各种内外条件作出的必然选择。效率与公平的关系问题是收入分配领域的基本问题,对效率与公平关系的认识构成收入分配领域的核心理念。目前在这一核心理念方面存在的突出问题是把公平与效率简单化地割裂开来或对立起来,忽略了二者的统一和互动。调整和提升分配理念要摈弃效率与公平的对立,着眼于二者的互动。     

从执政成本看效率与公平

效率与公平是人类社会追求的两大价值目标,两者的结合性质和方式反映了社会的进步和社会的发展水平。执政党的执政成本对效率与公平有着极大的影响。因此,如何处理效率与公平的关系,也就成为执政成本科学化的重要内容,同时也是加强党的执政能力建设的重大课题。     

公平与效率的辩证关系及其实践价值

能否正确认识和把握公平与效率的关系,是关系社会进步的关键性问题。构建社会主义和谐社会,更加需要科学地看待和处理公平与效率的关系。新时期、新阶段,随着改革的深入,影响社会公平的各种矛盾已经成为制约改革稳定发展的重大问题。构建社会主义和谐社会,必须在“效率优先、兼顾公平”的原则下,有效“兼顾公平”,真正实现公平与效率的统一。     

效率和公平原则的人学透视--从人的价值看效率与公平

从人的价值角度透视问题,就可以发现公平和效率的两难选择正是根植于生产力水平较低条件下人的价值的普遍性和差异性同时存在这一客观事实.     

公平与效率关系的辩证分析

公平属于价值范畴,是对社会平等性和公正性利益要求的相互妥协状况的认识和评价。效率则是公平评价人们利益关系状况的价值尺度,即人们对社会利益关系的评价取决于该社会系统资源的效用和对社会需求满足的程度,其实质是对一定时期的生产关系是否适应社会生产力的反映。因此,“追求效率,实现公平”更能体现公平和效率二者之间的关系。     

To be or not to be Charlie Hebdo: ritual patterns of opinion formation in the social networks

The social sciences have mostly focused on the formation of social opinions from a semantic point of view: given a certain semantic field, interviews, statistics, and other analytical instruments are commonly deployed in order to map the distribution of views, their evolution, their conflicts and their agreements. Socio-semiotics, social semiotics, and the other semiotic branches that bear on social inquiry have contributed to the effort by providing semiotic grids of categorization. These grids too, however, have been mostly related to semantic contents circulating through societies and their cultures. The present article pursues a different hypothesis. After briefly recalling the events of 7–9 January 2015 in the Parisian area, the article seeks to survey and map the syntax of progressive differentiation of opinions circulating in the social networks about such events. Some patterns are identified and semiotically described: (1) cleavage; (2) comparative relativizing; (3) blurring sarcasm; (4) anonymity; (5) unfocused responsibility; (6) conspiracy thought. A new semiotic square is created to visually display these patterns, their positions, their relations, and their evolution.     

亲友"陪抓、抓送"不应视为自动投案方式

将亲友＂陪抓、抓送＂方式使犯罪嫌疑人归案视为犯罪嫌疑人自动投案的方式,在法律解释论上是不恰当,也不是有利于犯罪嫌疑人的类推,更没有历史依据。     

Building sustainable capacity in the public sector: What can be done?

Effective government performance is central to the creation of market-oriented economies, secure and productive populations, and democratic political systems in developing countries. Capacity building to improve public sector performance is thus an important focus of development initiatives. Several implicit assumptions underlie most such efforts: that organizations or training activities are the logical site for capacity-building interventions; that administrative structures and monetary rewards determine organizational and individual performance; that organizations work well when structures and control mechanisms are in place; and that individual performance improves as a result of skill and technology transfer through training activities. Each of these assumptions is called into question by the findings of research carried out in six developing countries and reported in this article. Our studies indicate designing interventions that most constructively address sources of poor performance must follow from an assessment of a relatively broad set of variables, including the action environment in which all such activities take place. We also found that effective public sector performance is more often driven by strong organizational cultures, good management practices, and effective communication networks than it is by rules and regulations or procedures and pay scales. Our case studies further indicate that individual performance is more affected by opportunities for meaningful work, shared professional norms, teamwork, and promotion based on performance rather than it is by training in specific skills. In this article, we describe a framework or conceptual map that emphasizes that training activities, organizational performance and administrative structures are embedded within complex environments that significantly constrain their success and that often account for training or organizational failure. When it was applied in the six case study countries, the framework proved useful in identifying capacity gaps and providing a tool for the strategic design of interventions that are sensitive to the roots of performance deficits. This allows us to conclude that the assumptions underlying many capacity-building initiatives may focus attention on interventions that do not generate the highest payoffs in terms of improved performance.     

打捞海底沉没物的行为是否构成犯罪的法理分析及思考

打捞海底沉没物从行为方式上分析,在刑法规范的技术运用上具有无法克服的障碍。从法理角度分析,一种行为构成犯罪,往往具有二次性违法的特征。在行为能够通过民法或其他法规制约的时候。不应直接运用刑法作跳跃式的分析认定。     

Labour Party: saved by the modernisers or modernised to be saved?

The paper treats politics as a complex process that embraces actual or potential interactions among constructed meanings of different social actors through various symbolic forms drawing on the specific socio‐historical, political context. These symbolic forms can take the form of various kinds from everyday linguistic utterances to complex images and texts. It is suggested that there is a strong interrelationship between ‘image’ and political discourse and their symbolic value grows as long as they come from consistent communication among all the social actors participating in the political process inside and outside of the political organisation. Two historical examples from the British political landscape—the Labour election defeat in 1987 and the Labour leadership election in 1994—are examined so as to draw some useful remarks concerning the limitations in drawing the line between ‘image’ and political discourse and among processes considered either internal or external of the party. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications