Democracy and Social Welfare in Uruguay and Paraguay

This article aims to assess how democracy affects social welfare by analyzing Uruguay and Paraguay, one country with a vibrant democratic history and a progressive political landscape, the other with a generally authoritarian past and a conservative dominant party. The article maintains that welfare systems in these countries have been critically shaped by the impact of democracy, or by its absence, and by the strategies adopted by major social and political actors, especially parties; these strategies have been determined, in turn, by parties' ideologies and by the workings of electoral competition. The article also emphasizes that the impact of democracy on social welfare is critically mediated by the role of previous welfare legacies, the presence of welfare constituencies defending acquired rights and privileges, and social and economic variables, such as overall wealth levels, the formal or informal nature of labor markets, and the political organization of domestic economies.     

Review Essay

Books reviewed in this article:
All the Shah's Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror , by Stephen Kinzer
Chain of Command: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib , by Seymour M. Hersh
Inside the Mirage: America's Fragile Partnership with Saudi Arabia , by Thomas W. Lippman
Breaking Ranks , by Ronit Chacham, ed
The Palestinian People, A History , by Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal
Syria and the Palestinians: The Clash of Nationalisms , by Ghada Hashem Talhami
The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain , by María Rosa Menocal, foreword by Harold Bloom
The Case for Islamo-Christian Civilization , by Richard W. Bulliet     

Embracing austerity? An ethnographic perspective on the Latvian public’s acceptance of austerity politics

ABSTRACT

Latvian austerity policy following the 2008 economic crisis has been touted as a success story by some and critiqued as a socially costly experiment by others. It has remained a puzzle, however, how such harsh socio-economy policies were possible without causing sustained popular protests. Drawing on ethnographic research at an unemployment office in Riga in the aftermath of the crisis, this article considers austerity as a political and moral phenomenon. I argue that welfare policies played an important role in disciplining the parts of the population most adversely affected by the crisis by framing post-crisis precarity as a matter of individual responsibility. Furthermore, this disciplining worked because it was underpinned by a particular moral discourse that I call ‘a discourse of freedom.’ Thus, this historically and culturally-shaped moral economy helped not only secure the implementation of post-crisis austerity in a way that yielded little sustained public resistance but also helped legitimate it.     

University students of the middle east

The article considers Indonesia's democratic advance over the last five years, effectively the first term in office of President Yudhoyono. Focussing on the three threats which seemed most acute in 2004 - Fragmentation, Macroeconomic Instability and Terrorism, the author suggests that the handling of the post-tsunami situation in Aceh was a turning point which will need to be consolidated by decentralisation; that prudence by technocrats and responsibility by the political leadership ensured economic success; and that the terrorist threat was overcome, partly by a political recognition that a real threat existed which had to be faced, and partly by good police work.     

Can Lebanon's Economy Be Saved? A Plan for Revival

The recent financial and economic meltdown in Lebanon is the result of 30 years of social, economic, financial, and fiscal mismanagement, amplified by the Covid-19 pandemic and further exacerbated by the Beirut port explosion. Lebanese citizens’ trust, as well as the international community's trust in the government, have unfortunately been destroyed. Consequently, Lebanon's sole option is to rebuild confidence in the government and public institutions by implementing economic reforms and to seek an IMF program to pave the way for additional financing from other international sources. The most important confidence-building step is a clear financial and economic plan that has the support of all key stakeholders. This article presents a road map for a reforms-driven, export-led growth strategy for Lebanon. Ultimately, the goal is to jump-start the economy and put it on a path of sustainable, inclusive, and equitable economic growth. Such growth should be grounded in a small, open-economy model and driven by low tariffs, a flexible exchange rate regime, and a dynamic export sector built on competitive and comparative advantages. This plan partially builds on proposals and recommendations provided by previous economic plans and policy notes.     

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article The United States Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Manual , with forewords by General David H. Petraeus, Lt. General James F. Amos and Lt. Colonel John A. Nagl, with a new introduction by Sarah Sewall. Diplomacy Lessons: Realism for an Unloved Superpower , by John Brady Kiesling. Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran, and the United States , by Trita Parsi. Reading Legitimation Crisis in Tehran: Iran and the Future of Liberalism , by Danny Postel. Distant Relations: Iran & Lebanon in the Last 500 years , H.E. Chehabi, ed. From Oslo to Jerusalem: The Palestinian Story of the Secret Negotiations , by Ahmed Qurei (‘Abu Ala’) A Framework for a Palestinian National Security Doctrine , by Hussein Agha and Ahmad S Khalidi. The Emergence of a New Turkey: Democracy and the AK Parti , edited by M. Hakan Yavuz. Prison Writings: The Roots of Civilisation , by Abdullah Ocalan. Translated by Klaus Happel. The Legacy of Jihad: Islamic Holy War and the Fate of Non‐Muslims , by Andrew G. Bostom. Foreword by Ibn Warraq. Oil Titans: National Oil Companies in the Middle East . by Valerie Marcel and John V. Mitchell.     

Zur Mikrosoziologie von Massentötungen bei Amokläufen

Spectacular but very rare violent events such as mass killings by habitual non-criminals cannot be explained by factors which are very widespread, such as possession of firearms, being a victim of bullying, an introvert, or a career failure. A stronger clue is clandestine preparation of attack by one or two individuals, against randomly chosen representatives of a hated collective identity. The mass killer chooses a setting, costume and timing to establish emotional dominance as precursor to physical casualties; such killers typically amass far more weapons than they actually use, and rely on them both for intimidation and for their own symbolic-emotional support. Mass killings end surprisingly often by surrendering, or committing suicide, once confronted by firm resistance. Mass killers develop a deep back-stage, obsessed with planning their attack, overcoming social inferiority and isolation by an emotion of clandestine excitement. Their actions might be described as mental illness, except that the clinical label adds no further explanatory power – their violent mental illness is socially constructed by just these processes.     

WHO OWNS INDIA’S HISTORY? A CRITIQUE OF SHASHI THAROOR’S INGLORIOUS EMPIRE

The historiography of Britain's colonial past has always been problematic, shaped by conflicting mythologies about Britain's role as benefactor or exploiter. In the wake of Indian independence in 1947 it was in the interests of India's national identity to present what had gone before as a period of unmitigated oppression challenged by a united people. The consequence was widespread ignorance about the realities of British rule and of the Indian economy prior to and after British rule, exemplified by a current best-seller written by a well-known Indian political figure, Dr Shashi Tharoor, whose main arguments are examined; in particular, his central claim that India was a wealthy nation prior to Britain's colonial intervention reduced to poverty by Britain's ‘depredations’.     

Book Reviews

Book reviewed in this article:
Denial and Deception: An Insider's View of the CIA from Iran-Contra to 9/11 , by Melissa Boyle Mahle
Uncharted Journey: Promoting Democracy in the Middle East , edited by Thomas Carothers and Marina Ottaway
Multicultural Politics: Racism, Ethnicity, and Muslims in Britain , by Tariq Modood
Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism , by Robert A. Pape
The Path to Geneva: The Quest for a Permanent Agreement , 1996–2004, by Yossi Beilin
West Bank Diary: Middle East Violence as Reported by a Former American Hostage , by Jerry Levin
The Iranian Labyrinth: Journeys Through Theocratic Iran and Its Furies , by Dilip Hiro
Germany and the Middle East, 1871–1945 , edited by Wolfgang G. Schwanitz     

“And Poland is filed away with Samothrace”: Australian Responses to Poland's June 1956 Crisis

The suppression of Poznan June 1956 workers’ rebellion (Poznanski Czerwiec) by Polish authorities prompted immediate Australia‐wide demonstrations and protests by Polish émigrés who were supported by friends and allies in the Catholic Church and the Australian anti‐communist movement. Nation‐wide demonstrations in Australia and subsequent approaches by émigré Poles and supporters required a disinterested Australian government to develop a position on Poznan June events. Pressure on the Australian government for a response, potentially disruptive to its foreign policies, was applied only by elements within the Australian political scene that posed little threat to its future. Poznan June ‘56's effect on Australia takes place within the particular nature of Australian domestic politics where the June events were used to fan the flames of bitter rivalry within the labour movement by a strident anti‐communist faction seeking to restructure the Australian Labor Party in a manner consistent with its ideological predilections. In taking up the anti‐communist cause of the Polish émigrés, the Australian anti‐communist leadership claimed a moral high‐ground, but lacked sufficient commitment to use their considerable parliamentary advantage to pressure the Australian government to adopt a more muscular position towards Poland's government.     

Opobo To-day

These notes on a recent visit by member of the Nigerian EducationDepartment vividly illustrate life in the small delta portsby-passed by railway development elsewhere. The descendantsof King Jaja, it will be remembered, have just been voted $11,420by Parliament in settlement of a 50-year old claim against thekidnapping of the King by Consul (Sir) Harry Johnston in 1887.In this they were assisted by Sir William Geary, Mr. Sorensen,M.P., and Colonel Ponsonby, M.P. A report says that the moneyis to be used to provide a secondary school.     

Rethinking Police Violence in Brazil: Unmasking the Public Secret of Race

In Brazilian cities, perhaps the most disturbing criminal activity is the violence perpetrated by police officers themselves. This article is an invitation and a provocation to reconsider social scientific thinking about police violence in Brazil. Illustrated by a court decision from a Northeastern city, in which a black man won a case against the state for being falsely arrested and abused by a black police officer on the grounds of racism, this article investigates three paradoxes: Brazilians fear both crime and the police; black police beat black civilians; and government officials disavow responsibility by stigmatizing the police on racial grounds. It then proposes an alternative reading of these paradoxes that opens the possibility for rethinking police reform and argues that democratization in Brazil is deeply intertwined with the future of its darkest‐skinned citizens.     

Diaspora, faith, and science: building a Mouride hospital in Senegal

This article examines a development initiative spearheaded by the members of a transnational diaspora – the creation of a medical hospital in the holy city of Touba in central Senegal. Although the construction of the hospital is decidedly a philanthropic project, H?pital Matlaboul Fawzaini is better understood as part of the larger place-making project of the Muridiyya and the pursuit of symbolic capital by a particular Mouride "dahira". The "dahira's" project illuminates important processes of forging global connections and transnational localities, and underscores the importance of understanding the complex motivations behind diaspora development. The hospital's history reveals the delicate negotiations between state actors and diaspora organizations, and the complexities of public–private partnerships for development. In a reversal of state withdrawal in the neo-liberal era, a diaspora association was able to wrest new financial commitments from the state by completing a large infrastructure project. Despite this success, we argue that these kinds of projects, which are by nature uneven and sporadic, reflect particular historical conjunctures and do not offer a panacea for the failure of state-led development.     

Pursuing Post-democratisation: The Resilience of Politics by Public Security in Contemporary South Korea

This article analyses the disputed election of President Park Geun-hye and her administration’s confrontation of left-nationalist politicians and other social movements during her first year in office. We argue that the Park administration’s policies resonate with contemporary discussions of “post-democratisation,” a process whereby social rights are increasingly subordinated to market logics and state power insulated from popular challenges. Under the conservative governments of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye, this process has been animated by a mode of confrontation known in South Korea as “politics by public security.” This politics targets social conflict and political dissent as threats to national security and has involved both illegal interventions by state institutions – such as the 2012 electoral interference by state agencies including the National Intelligence Service – and a cultural politics that affirms but revises the narrative of Korean democratisation by obfuscating the nature of the democracy movement and by attempting to restore the honour of conservative forces associated with former dictatorships. In order to better understand this conjuncture, we explore its origin within a tacit alliance between both former public security prosecutors-cum-conservative politicians and a movement of conservative intellectuals known as the New Right.     

The Cuban Experience in East Germany: Academic Migration from 1960 to 2000

The partnership between revolutionary Cuba and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) offered a route for migration that had not been possible before. While academic exchange aimed to construct a socialist society in Cuba and strengthen the Socialist Bloc, as well as serving the economic and political interests of both states, the creation of a transnational academic elite and of intellectual collectives across borders also occurred as a by‐product of the exchange. This article shows how these ‘by‐products’ came into existence, and how academic exchange can be influenced by political, financial and organisational limitations.     

剖析森鸥外译《即兴诗人》的“超过原作”现象

森鸥外译《即兴诗人》被誉为是＂超过原作＂的翻译。本研究通过与日本大畑末吉和中国刘季星两位译者的《即兴诗人》译本进行比较,找出了森鸥外的三大翻译策略,并通过实例,论证三大策略在森鸥外翻译中的作用及意义,指出＂超过原作＂翻译从表面上看是翻译策略的问题,根本上还是翻译观的问题,森鸥外对小说翻译应注重＂艺术性＂、＂趣味性＂的态度是其译作独树一帜的根本原因,他艺术性地、创造性地再现原作体现了一种在特定文化语境下的＂创意翻译＂。     

lbn Rushd (Averroes) and the Egyptian Enlightenment Movement

Fully aware of the pressing need for change in the Arab-Muslim world, a group of Egyptian intellectuals have formed the Egyptian Enlightenment Society to promote the necessary reform for the challenges of the twenty-first century. They seek to restore a liberal-secularist trend by disseminating the ideas of rationality, freedom, equality, emancipation of women, and so on. They champion a civil society as against the religious society advocated by the Islamists. The advocates of enlightenment have mobilized the ideas and theories of Egyptian and Muslim liberal thinkers, in particular those of lbn Rushd (Averroes), the great commentator and interpreter of Aristotelian philosophy, regarded by many as one of the key figures in the development of the European Enlightenment. Averroes, a defender of the freedom of rational investigation, and a precursor of the modern scientific outlook, sought to reconcile philosophy and religion, and thus introduce philosophy into a Muslim society governed by the shari. The future of the Arab-Muslim world will depend on the outcome of the struggle between enlightenment and Islamic fundamentalism.     

Identity,dignity and development as trajectory: Bihar as a model for democratic progress in Nepal? Part II. Nepal’s promise

Part I of this article traced the experience of India’s Bihar state as it shifted in the last decade of the twentieth century from a region dominated by landowning upper castes and plagued by entrenched poverty to one led by newly emergent middle castes. In a two-step process, these groups first attained a significant dignity and self-respect and then it became possible in the 2000s to turn to economic growth and improvement in living standards. Part II makes a case that Nepal, long suffering under conditions similar to those hobbling Bihar until recently, might follow a similar two-stage path of dignity and then development.