日本主导东南亚反海盗合作机制对地区海洋安全事务的影响

冷战结束以后,日本重视东亚海洋安全问题,倡议建立亚洲反海盗多边合作机制,在筹建地区海洋安全合作机制进程中取得主导地位。日本借此介入并主导马六甲—新加坡海峡地区反海盗执法联合行动,在地区国际政治舞台上发挥作用,并对地区关系产生影响。日本的主动行动隐含排斥美国、牵制中国的意图,为日本未来在亚洲海上安全领域发挥作用打下基础。     

东南亚海盗问题及其治理

亚洲金融危机爆发以后,东南亚海域再次成为全球海盗活动频发的高危地带,特别是九一一事件以来,该地区的海盗活动呈现出与海上恐怖主义合流的新动向。目前的国际法体系对东南亚的反海盗行动具有相当大的局限性,同时,社会经济问题、政治动荡以及领海争议也成为该地区海盗行为兴起的重要原因。目前东南亚各国与区域外大国已经开展了行之有效的反海盗合作。本文旨在分析东南亚地区海盗行为的成因、类型及发展新动向,并在探讨该地区现有反海盗合作议程的基础上,提出加强内部合作、争取大国援助及利用国际组织整合资源的新治理模式。     

东南亚的海盗问题与亚太地区安全

近年来,东南亚海域的海盗活动日益猖獗,引起了亚太国家的关注.本文分析了东南亚海盗的特征、成因,比较了东盟、日本、印度和美国在反海盗上的立场,认为日本和印度海上军事力量介入东南亚海域这一动向,势必打破原有东南亚海域海上军事力量的平衡,对中国的海洋安全利益构成巨大的威胁.     

东亚地缘形势与中俄海上联合军演

伴随中国崛起、美国＂重回亚洲＂和俄罗斯战略东移,整个东亚地区成为大国战略博弈的主战场,一场遏制与反遏制的海上博弈更是激烈,这使东亚地缘政治局势充满变数。中俄两国在东亚海域均拥有共同的重大战略利益,特别是在海上稳定与战略通道安全利益方面,中俄海上联合军演致力于地区稳定的互信与合作无疑将起到正面示范效应。中俄通过海上联合军...     

21世纪初中国外交的战略思考

21世纪的前20年是中国发展的极为重要的战略机遇期,中国外交战略应该根据中国发展战略的需要和形势的变化,及时在意识、理念和策略等方面进行新的思考、规划、定位和调整:树立大国意识,实行大国外交;坚持把"独立自主"和"共同发展与安全"的理念有机结合;立足东亚、巩固俄罗斯、稳定美国、争取欧洲、团结发展中国家、积极进行国际参与,从地区大国走向世界大国.     

大国海外港口支点战略及模式选择

回顾主要大国的崛起历程可见,大国普遍认识到海外港口支点战略的重要性,以海外港口为支点推进国家对外战略。大国海外港口支点战略目标,主要是海上通道和资源能源安全保障、国际产业布局、海外市场开拓和地缘影响拓展。在战略推进中,港航产业链上的民间主体与国家协同配合作用突出。从模式看,大国海外港口支点经营的主流模式已从殖民式、霸权式转为项目合作式,该模式往往以对外经济影响力带动综合地缘影响力的提升。作为崛起中的大国,中国倡导建设“21世纪海上丝绸之路”具有合理性和必然性。下一个十年,“海丝”港口合作应进一步升级顶层设计、细化战略目标、激发民间潜能。     

＂21世纪海上丝绸之路＂面临的安全挑战--＂银河号事件＂的启示

“21世纪海上丝绸之路”是中国在新时期主动塑造合作、和平、和谐的对外合作环境，与亚非各国深化经济关系的重大战略举措，首先必须落实海上通道安全这一基本保障问题。发生在1993年的“银河号事件”早已表明，中国的海上通道安全极其脆弱，必须努力解决国家在经济、外交、军事等各个方面存有的“短板”，才能维护“21世纪海上丝绸之路”...     

中国外交中的南海“航行自由”话语研究

"航行自由"本是国际海洋法的一项基本准则,然而近年来"航行自由"却成为美国精心包装下用以渲染南海地区"中国威胁"并借机在周边海域实施军事寻衅的政治话语,沦为美国借以防范中国海上力量崛起、实现海洋霸权护持的舆论工具。美国对南海"航行自由"的恶意炒作,不仅对中国的国际形象及南海地区安全造成损害,由此凸显的中美关于南海"航行自由"的论争也成为影响双边关系发展的重要症结。在美国幕后台前都推动南海局势升温的过程中,中国在现实困境的倒逼下逐步形成了对"航行自由"话语较系统的认知理解,对从西方传来的"航行自由"话语经历了由谨慎怀疑到逐渐接纳的态度转变,在话语使用上也从被动反应开始向主动应对的姿态变化,体现出中国政府在话语表达上走向自信与成熟。中美关于南海"航行自由"的论争表面上是话语的比拼,其背后是海权和利益的角逐,中国应保持和加强与美国在各个层次上的战略对话以管控双方分歧,就"航行自由"话语拓展共识和寻求合作。中国或可考虑通过对"航行自由"话语内涵的再建构推动南海地区海上安全合作机制构建并体现大国胸怀。     

大国安全关系在冷战后的新发展

冷战结束后 ,大国安全关系基本上是在矛盾与合作共存、摩擦与协调并行的框架内运作。在经济领域 ,经济安全已成为大国安全关系中的核心问题 ;在地区安全问题上 ,大国关注安全关系的地区整合 ;在军事安全领域 ,大国在重视多边安全对话与合作 ,加快国际军控和裁军进程的同时 ,以武力干涉地区冲突的军事霸权却日趋猖獗 ,导致大国安全关系的紧张。但总体而言 ,协调与合作仍然是大国安全关系的主流 ,这是冷战后维护国际安全与稳定的重要因素     

从与国际体系的关系看中国安全观的变化

国家安全观是国家与国际体系互动的核心内容。国家与国际体系的关系决定了国家安全观念的内容、性质和特点,同时国家安全观念也会对国际体系的发展演变产生重大影响。从新中国成立至今,中国与国际体系的关系经历了从体系外国家到积极融入、负责任的体系内大国的曲折变化过程;而中国的安全观也由传统安全观发展到以＂互信、互利、平等、协作＂为...     

China's Maritime Security and the “Malacca Dilemma”

Abstract

As maritime trading becomes an increasingly important element of the modern Chinese economy, concerns in Beijing are being raised about the safety of vital sea lanes. Central to this thinking has been Hu Jintao's explanation of the “Malacca Dilemma” in late 2003, which describes the problem of sea routes crucial to China's trade, especially the Malacca Straits, being subject to interdiction from another state. At the same time, the international war on terror has also raised the specter of economic terrorism aimed at disrupting commerce via the Straits. Due to the complex nature of these potential threats, there is the temptation for China to address the “Dilemma” unilaterally as the country modernizes its naval forces. However, it remains in Beijing's interests to work both with littoral states and other great powers in ensuring greater security in the Malacca region.     

Coping with energy insecurity: China’s response in global perspective

Already the world’s second largest energy consumer, China has accounted for more than a third of the increase in global oil demand since 2000. Due to infrastructural bottlenecks as well as supply shortages, intensified by sustained growth, the PRC is likely to become an increasingly important factor in global oil and gas markets, and to pursue an increasingly active energy diplomacy. Reducing energy vulnerability will be a key imperative. The PRC is striving to reduce its energy vulnerability by: (1) promoting energy efficiency; (2) diversifying away from its heavy reliance on coal and oil, toward nuclear power and natural gas; (3) improving domestic energy infrastructure; (4) promoting national energy champions; (5) deepening reliance on congenial nations; and (6) reducing reliance on sea lanes dominated by the U.S. Navy. Kazakhstan, Iran, Russia, Venezuela, Australia, and African energy producers are special priority targets of its energy diplomacy, which is likely to become more salient in China's overall foreign policy in coming years.     

China's Advances in the South China Sea: Strategies and Objectives

The sea lanes of the South China Sea are vital not only as a trade route but also for strategic security. It is self-evident that this should be so for the East Asian countries who lay claim to the area, but it is also true for those nations further afield who are affected by the activities there, such as Japan, Korea and the US. Based on his observations of the Chinese navy'sactivities in the South China Sea over the last ten years, Shigeo Hiramatsu, Professor of Social Sciences at Kyorin University, examines the history of the Chinese Navy within the context of East Asian security in the following article. He argues that in light of Chinese plans to increase the capability of its navy, a strong US-Japan relationship as well as a more active Japanese role in the region is essential to prevent a possible flare up of skirmishes around the South China Sea.     

浅析中国与东盟的能源合作

能源是人类社会赖以生存和发展的基本要素之一。随着中国经济的快速增长,中国对外能源需求量逐年增长,能源安全成了人们普遍关注的一个全球性的热点问题。因此,中国应通过积极参与双边与多边的能源合作,采取多元化的油气资源供给途径,来保障中国的油气资源的安全供给。随着东盟与中国政治经济关系的升温,东盟各国在中国的能源安全领域扮演着越来越重要的角色。本文在对中国能源现状进行分析的基础上,对中国与东盟开展能源合作这一议题进行剖析,浅析其合作的必要性、可行性及其前景。     

寻求韩国预防大国在东北亚冲突中的作用

随着中国在地区事务中的作用与责任与日俱增,中国在解决地区安全、贸易及环境问题等方面的合作日益至关重要。美国总统奥巴马曾说,美中关系是美国在国际事务中最重要的关系。但东北亚地区有许多问题会经常引发中美两国产生争议和冲突。本文将论证朝鲜半岛问题本身对这种中美合作关系的负面影响。天安舰事件证明了中美两国合作关系的脆弱性;包括核问题在内旷日持久的＂朝鲜问题＂影响中美关系。美国和中国在如何看待与解决朝鲜问题方面存在分歧。特别是在过去两年内,两个大国之间的分歧已经扩大。因此,本文最后将论述韩国对改善美中关系的作用。为避免冷战格局重现,韩国在朝鲜半岛及东北亚地区应该能够发挥更大的作用。     

区域安全竞争中的东亚区域主义——基于对欧洲/北美区域主义的比较分析

区域主义的启动和深化受区域内外安全环境的影响。欧洲区域主义的启动和深化与其内外安全环境之间呈正相关关系,因而它得以历经冷战而不衰,并在冷战后进一步强化。比较而言,北美区域主义的深化与其内外安全环境总体上都是负相关关系,因而北美区域主义至今基本上仍仅限于经济领域。与北美区域主义类似,东亚区域主义的深化与东亚区域内外安全环境也基本上是负相关关系,但不同的是,由于东亚区域的内部安全环境是竞争性的,因此东亚区域的"共同体感觉"虽然呈日益强化之势,但总体上说是脆弱的。东亚区域主义的深化不仅受区域内部安全竞争的挑战,还受到区域外部的竞争性安全环境———区域间大国和全球大国安全竞争———的制约。     

从"双重国籍"的放弃看中国侨务与外交的关系

本文探讨了1954-1955年新中国通过谈判放弃"双重国籍"问题的外交背景,认为放弃"双重国籍"是新中国在权衡周边安全环境和国家利益得失后进行外交战略和策略调整的重大举措,也是同一时期中国进行外交战略和策略调整的重要佐证,还是将侨务与外交密切联系在一起的最为重大的历史事件.在此基础上,本文还论述了中国外交战略和策略调整背景下的侨务工作,既具体分析了侨务对外交的服从情况,又明确指出了侨务对外交的补充与支持作用.     

The Future of Energy Security for Europe: Turkey's Role as an Energy Corridor

The question of energy security is one of the main concerns for the future of Europe because of the growing dependency of the European countries on third parties, namely Russia, for natural gas. The future of European energy security will be shaped by the EU's dependence on Russia and its ability to find alternative sources of energy as well as multiple routes of transport. Turkey's location between the major energy producers in the Caspian and the major energy consumers in Europe has increased Turkey's potential role as the transit country. The article addresses the Turkish role in the transport of resources from the Caspian region to the European territory. As the Caspian region's resources provide a viable alternative for the EU to diversify its energy suppliers, Turkey emerges as a major hub for energy transport and assumes a greater role in the future of energy security. This article investigates the future challenges to the transport of natural gas into Europe and the role that Turkey will acquire as a transit country, largely replacing Ukraine. The article addresses the following questions: (i) what is Turkey's potential role for energy security in Europe? (ii) what kind of challenges emerge with the increased role for Turkey in European energy routes? (iii) what are the main sources of tension over energy security? The main proposition of the article is that Turkey plays a critical role for the EU's energy security, decreasing its reliance on Russia specifically for the transport of natural gas.     

The New Offshore Frontiers of EU Energy Security in the Mediterranean: The Politics of Hydrocarbon Development in the Adriatic and Ionian Seas

Many EU Mediterranean countries are developing national plans for offshore hydrocarbon exploration and production. The transformation of the Mediterranean Sea into a new frontier for EU energy security has raised important concerns about the protection of the fragile marine ecosystem of this semi-enclosed sea. Additional issues have emerged where states’ boundaries at sea are not yet defined. This article analyses the emerging international and transnational politics of hydrocarbon development in the Adriatic and Ionian Seas by highlighting the main drivers and effects of the recent relaunch of offshore activities in this region.     

Chinese Immigration to Russia and Its Non-traditional Security Impact

Russia and China rapidly restore communication after the Cold War, but the Chinese immigration issue is also widely exaggerated and even described as “Yellow Peril again” in Russia. The so-called Yellow Peril is not only a Russian object perception but also a cross-generational conflict between Russia and China. Furthermore, it will be related to the subsequent development of the Russian Far East and Siberia. The Chinese immigration constitutes psychological and survival non-traditional security impacts on Russia and also forms some kind of social competition with Russians. It is vital for Russia to cooperate with its eastern neighbor to accelerate the development of the Russian Far East and Siberia, but national security and social stability are the prerequisites for cooperation. Nevertheless, it is more significant to rebuild self-confidence of the Russians in the Russian Far East and acknowledge that the East will not be a threat to Russia. As long as Russia realizes that it can enjoy unlimited possibilities in the East, the non-traditional security impacts caused by the Chinese immigration will automatically alleviate and even disappear. Today, most Russians are trapped in the dilemma of welcoming or refusing the Chinese immigrants; however, cultural exchange still has some effects and at least causes Russians to begin to positively treat the Chinese immigration and consider whether to accept China and cooperate with China.