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1.
Political Behavior - We examine the extent to which relevant social identity traits shared between two individuals—what we term “attribute affinity”—can moderate out-group...  相似文献   

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Historian, activist and campaigner Edward Thompson is seen as an exemplar of an English radicalism which some see as a lineage with which the contemporary Labour party might fruitfully reconnect. This article examines how Thompson himself understood and characterised the ‘English radical idiom’ and traces his use and then abandonment of this idea in the middle years of his career. It offers some wider reflections about what the insights and lessons associated with his historical writings and reflections on the distinctive nature of English cultural and social thought.  相似文献   

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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):83-85
ABSTRACT

Enoch Powell's ‘rivers of blood’ speech, delivered forty years ago, in April 1968, had a significant impact on British politics. Commentators are divided between those who have defended Powell's remarks and those who have condemned them. Hillman evaluates the responses, and reassesses the speech. He focuses on five key issues: Powell's motives; whether the speech was racist and/or racialist; the relationship between the speech and Conservative Party policies; Powell's electoral impact; and his forecasts with regard to numbers of people with minority ethnic backgrounds within the population.  相似文献   

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We apply a fallback model of coalition formation to decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court, focusing on the seven natural courts, which had the same members for at least two terms, between 1969 and 2009. The predictions of majority coalitions on each of the courts are generally borne out by the 5–4 decisions, whereas the predictions of the Martin-Quinn (Political Analysis 10(2):134–153, 2002) model, which assumes a single underlying dimension along which the justices can be ordered, are not. The present model also provides insight into the dynamic process by which subcoalitions build up into majority coalitions and, in addition, identifies “kingmakers” and “leaders” on the natural courts. Furthermore, it provides evidence, from coalitional memberships, that a few justices shifted over time from one ideological camp to another.  相似文献   

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《党和知识分子》一书,以丰富的事实资料指明党在不同历史条件下关于知识分子问题的路线,党的活动的任务、形式和方法。书中内容证明,知识分子的根本利益不可避免地促使知识分子接受马克思列宁主义的意识形态,对在共产党领导下实现社会主义改造的必要性有深刻而透彻的理解。该书作者指出,在工人阶级的影响下,由于党的思想教育工作的结果,出现了新型的知识分子。他们同人民血肉相连、忠于共产主义理想、富有创造积极性、政治进步、思维开阔。书中基本上正确地反映了苏联知识分子形成和发展的过程、苏联知识分子在社会主义建设中的作  相似文献   

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作为西蒙的标志性理论,受限理性(Bounded Rationality)是其社会科学哲学的基点。西蒙在行政管理研究中发现受限理性,在对经济学传统理论的批判中提出受限理性理论,并在政治学、心理学以及人工科学等领域演进中发展受限理性的内涵。受限理性在众多研究领域中产生变革性影响,促进社会科学中理性研究的成就,延展并拓深社会科学哲学的论域。  相似文献   

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What role in the administration of elections will the new U.S.Election Assistance Commission (EAC) play, and how does thatrole differ from past federal involvement? The answers are uncertainbecause delays in appointing the commission members and insufficientfunding severely handicapped early activities. This articleexamines the factors that influence the EAC's emerging role:the commission's background, structure, tasks and tools, start-upactivities, and recent issues. Because the principal impactof the EAC is indirect, affecting election administration throughthe states, we draw on the "tools of government" literatureto frame the discussion. Although the Help America Vote Actof 2002, which created the EAC, continues a long line of federalregulatory mandates in the elections arena, the EAC has almostno regulatory authority. Its principal tools are grants andinformation—instruments of cooperative, rather than coercive,federalism. Given that the major grant programs are ending,the EAC's long-term contribution will likely be to create anddisseminate information.  相似文献   

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Tobacco control policy usually has been framed in terms of public health and political economy, but it also has been called a morality issue. Through a systematic historical analysis, this paper examines dimensions of morality policy and evaluates tobacco control in the United States for its fit with those characteristics. Moral concerns have been a part of tobacco control policy at certain times, first in the early twentieth century, and, more recently, since the mid‐1980s with the rise of “denormalization” of tobacco as a goal of some antitobacco organizations. Drawing from recent studies of other “morality” policy issues, it argues that tobacco control is a “blended” issue, one which can take on different dimensions depending on successful interest group framing. The adoption of Healthy Public Policy as a governmental goal has coincided with a movement toward a “secular morality” in the political culture, facilitating a broader appeal to the public.  相似文献   

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This paper assesses the effectiveness of child safety seat laws in the United States. Over the past 35 years, these laws have steadily increased mandatory child safety seat restraint ages. We exploit state‐year level variation in the age until which children are required to ride in child safety seats to estimate triple difference models using Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) data from 1975 to 2011. Our findings show that increasing the age thresholds is effective in increasing the actual age of children in safety seats. Across the child‐age distribution, restraint rates increase by between 10 and 30 percentage points or by between 50 and 170 percent, in the long run. We also estimate the impact of the child safety seat laws on the likelihood that a child dies in a fatal accident. We find that the laws saved up to 39 children per year. Finally, we find that the laws primarily induce compliant parents to switch from traditional seatbelt use to child safety seat use, with only small effects among parents who do not restrain their children.  相似文献   

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Ben Revi 《Citizenship Studies》2014,18(3-4):452-464
T.H. Marshall's concept of ‘social citizenship’, developed in the 1949 lecture ‘Citizenship and Social Policy’, remains a vital study of welfare in developed nations. However, Marshall's social citizenship has come under attack as undermining civil liberties, or falling short of offering real equality to marginalised groups. This article returns to Marshall's lecture to show that he was in fact aware of such problems, but nonetheless held the provision of social rights to be a valuable normative project. Furthermore, this article argues that a new social citizenship, incorporating collective rights claims, could present a strong challenge to neoliberalism in contemporary welfare debates.  相似文献   

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Abstract

In an increasingly integrated international economy, nation-states are, of themselves, no longer the prime containers or coordinators of political–economic activity. The extra-territoriality of states and the blurring of the boundaries between states and firms, for example, have been captured in analytical concepts such as ‘triangular diplomacy’ the ‘web of global interdependencies’ and ‘cosmopolitan democracy’. Such trends have become visible in what have been termed mega-urban regions or zones of economic integration or of graduated sovereignty. Moreover, such zones are held to illustrate non-traditional or cooperative inter-state relations. This paper utilizes Stopford and Strange's (1991) Stopford, J. and Strange, S. 1991. Rival States, Rival Firms: Competition for World Market Shares, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Crossref] [Google Scholar] notion of ‘triangular diplomacy’ to interpret the development of one such zone – the Indonesia–Malaysia–Singapore growth triangle (IMS-GT). The paper argues that whilst embodying elements of cooperative inter-state relations the development of the IMS-GT also highlights the persistence of the ‘traditional’ concerns of inter-state relations. It also uses the notion of triangular diplomacy to draw attention to different models of social order sought by multinational enterprises (MNEs).  相似文献   

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记E.M.福斯特     
萧乾 《瞭望》1988,(37)
在剑桥,我进王家学院一点也不偶然。1939年我刚到英国,就结识了王家学院两位文学界杰出人物:汉学家魏礼和小说家福斯特。魏礼不大写信。即便我的书信未在文革中全部失去,他的信我手里也没有几封。面对面,他也总十分腼腆,从不侃侃而谈。他说话一向是探讯对方的意见多于自我表述。福斯特则  相似文献   

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Johnson  Bonnie J. 《Publius》2005,35(2):337-355
When discussing the biases of the U.S. Electoral College, researchersconclude that competitive states seem to occur randomly withoutany explanation. This study examines the consistency with whichthe same states have been competitive in presidential electionsfrom 1824 to 2000. It also identifies "spectator" states. Spectatorstates are those that have not been competitive for ten presidentialelections in a row. A statistical analysis illustrates thatthe identities of competitive states have become more unpredictable.In addition, few states have been spectators for long periods.In terms of representation, the facts that competitive statesare not consistent and that there are few spectators mean differentstates are in the presidential spotlight at different times.As opposed to any biases associated with the Electoral College,the changes in consistency coincide with the rise of candidate-centeredpolitics and decreasing voter loyalty to parties. The highlychangeable nature of competitive states strengthens the federalismargument for continuation of the Electoral College.  相似文献   

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