政策转移中的文化冲突及规避策略

政策转移既是一种政策工具也是一种文化现象.政策转移的发生、政策转移内容的选择以及政策转移的成败都与文化的影响密不可分.由于文化的差异,政策转移常常遭遇文化冲突.政策转移中文化冲突主要表现为异质文化冲突和同质文化中的亚文化冲突.这两种类型的文化冲突又常常体现为意识形态冲突、制度冲突、观念冲突、行为习惯冲突及混和型冲突等形式.文化冲突对政策转移的成败产生了重要影响,因此需要深入研究政策转移中文化冲突的表现及根源,寻求政策转移中的文化冲突的规避策略.     

Territorial representation

Abstract This paper examines the opinion congruence of voters and representatives in European Parliament elections taking nation as the constituency of interest, an implied model of representation similar to that in a classic Miller and Stokes analysis. Congruence is greater for some countries than others. MEPs are even less representative of their voters than are candidates in general, and all are more pro–integrationist than the electorate. Differences between countries are explained by variations in electoral systems and in national party systems. A genuine European party system and a common and PR electoral system would make MEPs more representative, but almost certainly less integrationist.     

Territorial representation

This paper examines the opinion congruence of voters and representatives in European Parliament elections taking nation as the constituency of interest, an implied model of representation similar to that in a classic Miller and Stokes analysis. Congruence is greater for some countries than others. MEPs are even less representative of their voters than are candidates in general, and all are more pro–integrationist than the electorate. Differences between countries are explained by variations in electoral systems and in national party systems. A genuine European party system and a common and PR electoral system would make MEPs more representative, but almost certainly less integrationist.     

Metropolitan Structural Development: The Territorial Imperative

Annexation has been an important factor in the growth of Americancities. This continues to be the case in many southern and westerncities. Thus, turf politics has figured prominently in the structuraldevelopment of most metropolitan areas in the United States.Divisions of the local landscape are largely determined throughnegotiations and bargains among local citizens and their representatives.However, several complicating factors can make local bargainsunstable and draw other institutions and governments, such asthe state, into the bargaining process, thereby adding a furtherintergovernmental dimension to local territoriality and requiringaccommodations of wider interests. These dynamics are studiedhere through a detailed examination of annexation policies inthe Houston metropolitan area.     

Thirty Years of Territorial Politics

For many years, territorial politics was neglected in political science under the influence of a modernist paradigm according to which territory gives way to function as a principle of social and political organisation. In the last 30 years it has received more attention as territorial political movements have made an impact. This has provoked a reconsideration not just of the present but also of the past, as scholars have identified the persistence of territorial politics even within unitary states. There is a continuing separation of the study of local and urban from regional politics, although the respective literatures address similar issues and use similar concepts. The ‘new regionalism’ literature examines the emergence of territorial systems of action under the impact of state transformation and transnational integration. There are marked differences in territorial politics in western and east-central Europe, not because of primordial ethnic characteristics, but because of the evolution of the state in the post-war era.     

Territorial rights and open borders

Territorial rights consist of the right to jurisdiction, the right to resources and the right to exclude immigrants and are assumed to be essential to state sovereignty. Scholars who have discussed the justification of these rights have mostly focused on the right to jurisdiction. Few engage with the implications of such justification for the right to exclude immigrants. This paper argues that the justification for territorial rights cannot justify the right of states to exclude immigrants. Allowing immigrants to settle within the territory does not undermine any of the interests territorial rights are meant to protect. In addition, the interests of current inhabitants do not provide sufficient reasons to grant the state the right to exclude immigrants from the territory that everyone has equal right to in an original situation. State sovereignty is therefore seen as compatible with open borders.     

Russell Kirk and Territorial Democracy

Russell Kirk is one of the most important American conservativethinkers. This article traces the development of Kirk's understandingof federalism, which was neither nationalistic nor based inthe usual arguments about states' rights. Specifically, Kirkadapted what the American thinker Orestes Brownson called "territorialdemocracy" to articulate a version of federalism that is basedon premises that differ in part from those of the Founders andother conservatives. Further, Kirk believed that territorialdemocracy could reconcile the tension between treating the statesas mere "provinces" of the central government and seeing themas autonomous political units independent of Washington. Finally,territorial democracy allowed Kirk to set out a theory of rightsthat was based in the particular historical circumstances ofthe United States while rejecting a universal conception ofindividual rights.     

Territorial Finance and the Future of Barnett

This article traces the changing funding relationships between Scotland and the UK government. Beginning from the Barnett Formula, it examines how the changing support within Scotland for greater political autonomy from Westminster has influenced the mechanisms that have determined Scotland's fiscal structure. Increasing support for the SNP, and then for the Yes campaign in the September 2014 independence referendum, has led to a mixture of new powers being granted to the Scottish Parliament. The Scotland Act 2012 extends the Scottish government's control over income tax and some other small taxes. Although independence was rejected by the Scottish people in September 2014, the ‘Vow’ made by the Westminster parties immediately before the vote is leading to far‐reaching changes in the UK's fiscal structure. This will cause a very substantial change in intergovernmental relations within the UK, which the Barnett Formula may not survive.     

The Origins of Conflict in Polycentric Governance Systems

Natural resources are governed by polycentric systems, which can be conceptualized as an “ecology of games” in which policy actors participate in multiple policy forums governing interdependent issues. This article analyzes why actors perceive different payoffs across the forums in which they participate, ranging from mutually beneficial games of cooperation to conflictual zero-sum games in which one actor's gain means another actor's loss. The authors develop hypotheses at the level of the individual, the forum, and the overall polycentric system and test them using survey data collected in three research sites: Tampa Bay, Florida; the Paraná River delta, Argentina; and the Sacramento–San Joaquin River delta, California. The empirical findings suggest that levels of conflict in policy forums are higher when the actors who participate in them are concerned with hot-button issues, when the forums have large and diverse memberships, and in systems with a long history of conflict. The results shed new light on the drivers of conflict and cooperation in complex governance systems and suggest ways to manage conflict.     

失势的精英及其反抗--戊戌前后湖南新旧之争的政治学分析

本文论述了戊戌变法前后湖南维新运动中精英集团的分裂以及由此衍生的社会冲突状况.湖南维新运动是一个原本富有共识的官绅集团在民族危机面前自新和自救的努力.引起这个官绅集团分裂的直接原因是伴随着省政要员的更换和一批文化新锐的到来而出现的政治权力的重新分配,更深层的原因则是维新运动的急进尤其是科举改革的启动导致了文化权力以及与之相伴生的社会政治权力的急剧倾斜.在这个过程中被侵犯和面临被淘汰的旧精英于是联合起来,利用意识形态工具和各种实际措施对维新事业展开猛烈攻击.这个事例通常被用来说明湖南地域文化的特性,但从政治学的角度看,它呈现出更具普遍意义的特征.     

The Dynamics of Partisan Conflict on Congressional Approval

Partisan divisions in American politics have been increasing since the 1970s following a period where scholars thought parties were in decline. This polarization is observed most frequently within the debates and deliberation across issues within Congress. Given that most studies of public opinion place the behavior of elites at the center of public attitudes, surprisingly little research examines the effect of partisan conflict on the mass public. This research examines quarterly congressional approval data from 1974 to 2000 to determine the consequences, if any, of party conflict on the dynamics of congressional approval. The findings indicate that over-time changes in partisan conflict within Congress have a direct and lasting effect on how citizens think about Congress.     

冲突与构建和谐社会的逻辑起点

构建社会主义和谐社会,是新一届中央领导集体从新世纪新阶段现实出发,提出的重要治国目标、治国方略和治国机制。这一重大现实命题的提出,使中国特色社会主义事业的总体布局由经济建设、政治建设、文化建设“三位一体”优化和提升为包含社会建设在内的“四位一体”。面对这样一个重大的现实问题,社会科学工作者需要从不同的学科视界进行深入和系统的研究。在马克思主义的政治学看来,我们所生活和所建设的社会无疑是由众多社会成员个体、组织、团体、群体、阶层、阶级等单元或要素组合而成的复杂系统或有机体,这其中利益博弈是各类要素或单元之间的基本作用机制,利益关系是其基础性的关系,利益结构是社会系统和政治系统的深层结构,构成社会和政治运行的内在动力。本专栏的五位作者从政治学角度对社会利益关系与和谐社会建设之间深层次的关联进行学术层面的探讨,得出了比较新鲜和富有启发性的结论。     

Money and Mandates: The Politics of Intergovernmental Conflict

The federal government's relationship with the states dependsin part on the level of federal aid and the number of federalmandates. Environmental policy, with less federal aid and moremandates, differs from education policy and health policy. Thevolume of intergovernmental litigation is heavier and rhetoricalreferences to intergovernmental partnerships by agency headsare more common in environmental policy. Waivers are more commonin education policy and health policy, but that appears to bea function of congressional policies largely barring environmentalpolicy waivers. Federal judges are more supportive of the federalgovernment's position on environmental protection and educationthan its position on health care. Overall, federal funding andmandates appear to have an impact on state governments, federalbureaucrats, and federal judges.     

Territorial Polarization in Brazil's 2014 Presidential Elections

The 2014 presidential elections showed a growing political polarization based on regional differences in Brazil. Against this backdrop, President Dilma Rousseff was re-elected by the slimmest margin ever obtained by a Brazilian president. Rousseff's Workers’ Party (PT) has held the presidency for the past 12 years, gaining widespread support for reducing social inequality and maintaining macroeconomic stability in the country. However, as the latest presidential elections show, this support for the PT and its presidential candidate has eroded. This article argues that as a result of fiercer competition for votes, a more politically polarized discourse was used in the presidential campaign to mobilize voters around Brazil's regional divide between the richer south and the poorer north. In the analysis, the article attempts to elucidate possible causes of territorial patterns of voting in Brazil's 2014 presidential elections.