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1.
安第斯共同体 4国总统理事会第十三届峰会是在多极化、全球化的形势下 ,寻求合作、解决冲突、协调政策和克服内部危机的一次重要会议。会议取得积极进展 ,达成以下共识 :一是开放边界 ,促进自由往来 ,实行边境一体化 ;二是协调宏观经济政策 ,为地区经济一体化提供保障 ;三是为提高地区产品在国际市场的竞争力 ,建立统一对外关税 ,实施统一农业政策 ;四是强调社会发展一体化的重要性 ,以维护地区稳定 ;五是争取实现高层次的一体化 ,即与拉美其他一体化组织联手 ,参与国际谈判 ,应对建立美洲自由贸易区的挑战。  相似文献   

2.
20 0 2年 ,由于委内瑞拉的政变 ,哥伦比亚、玻利维亚和厄瓜多尔的总统大选 ,安第斯地区再次成为世人关注的焦点。纵观 2 0 0 2年安第斯地区的政治形势 ,呈以下主要特点。(一 )一些国家政局持续动荡 ,并呈继续恶化的趋势。这在委内瑞拉和哥伦比亚尤为突出。自执政以来 ,委内瑞拉查韦斯总统采取了一些激进的改革措施 ,在教育、医疗等方面取得较大成效。但这些措施触犯了传统政党、教会、企业界以及反政府的工会组织的利益。世界经济、尤其是石油价格的持续低迷导致委内瑞拉经济状况不断恶化。在反对派控制的新闻媒体的鼓动下 ,加上美国的推波…  相似文献   

3.
21世纪初期日本经济外交随着日本国家战略与日本国内、国际局势的变化出现了急剧转变。2005年以前,是以入常为核心、由大国战略支配下的经济外交政策。当时日本经济外交十分重视政府开发援助(ODA)这一政策手段,目的是推动加入安理会常任理事国的实现。到2005年以后,走向尚不完全明确,但追求双边、多边和地区经济合作,服务于日本国家新的政治战略和经济利益的政策宗旨没有改变。其中,以参加跨太平洋经济伙伴合作协定(TPP)等地区合作成为重点,也包括同东盟、大湄公河、印度、中韩等国家和地区经济紧密合作、自由贸易区合作等。同时,遏制中国色彩的政策成分日益凸显。  相似文献   

4.
International organisations and non-governmental organisations involved in peacebuilding often form networks with one another and transplant themselves into war-torn territories with divided communities, weak governments, and little trust between the public and the government. This study examines how this network mechanism of governance orchestrated by international actors can have a political effect on the institutional development of the post-conflict state. The article argues that, superiority in mobilising resources and organisational flexibility notwithstanding, networks pose unique challenges to peacebuilding initiatives: because of the diversity of their members, networks tend to link up to various sectors within the post-conflict entity, thereby perpetuating often pre-existing schisms between the post-conflict government and the society. The study cautions that networks can be prone to parochial political influences from local and international actors, thereby fragmenting the state and the society in a given post-conflict country. But it also highlights that networks can effectively mobilise resources while maintaining political autonomy and independence from their donors, elites from the post-conflict state and the grassroots communities. The enhanced political autonomy is a measure of enhanced problem solving and bureaucratic prowess of the network, which is associated with networks with particular institutional attributes, discussed in the paper.  相似文献   

5.
受市场力量推动的一体化进程涉及三类地理尺度上的地理单元,分别是地方尺度上的区域、全国尺度上的国家、国际尺度上的地区。围绕地理差距而采行的政策选项以及制定的发展战略会作用于上述地理单元,从而产生对一体化的尺度效应。俄东部地区开发战略所具有的经济民族主义倾向,即为其中一例。  相似文献   

6.
This article shows how local understandings of development can be researched empirically by reference to experiences presented from three drawing workshops performed with children in the Ayacucho region in the Peruvian Andes. The children were asked to draw pictures from their community, as they would like it to become in the future. Their drawings are analysed by using an adapted form of Grounded Theory, and further interpreted as expressions of local development discourses. Although the three villages are located within the same area and share a violent history of war and instability, the research shows how each community has its own interpretation of development.  相似文献   

7.
浅析中国与安第斯共同体互利双赢的贸易机制及其启示   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
近两年,受国际贸易保护主义倾向抬头、国际竞争日趋激烈等因素的影响,中国遇到的贸易摩擦日益增多,尤其是与发展中国家的贸易问题呈现扩大化趋势。本文试图通过分析中国与安第斯共同体互利双赢的贸易机制和产生贸易问题的原因及其特征、通过介绍安共体国家反倾销机制及状况,为今后双边开展贸易、实现互利双赢提供政策思路。  相似文献   

8.
尼印边界问题发端于19世纪初,至今仍然是两国关系中的不稳定因素。尼印边界问题中最大的问题是纳尔沙伊森林、苏斯塔与卡拉帕尼问题。印度实行积极介入、先易后难、加强安保和以发展促安宁的对尼边界政策,是源于全面控制尼泊尔、遏制东北地区分离主义运动、打击国内纳萨尔运动以及防范中国介入南亚事务的战略需要。  相似文献   

9.
李意 《国际观察》2006,(4):67-73
本文以伊拉克战争以后美国对中东政策为例,对美国思想库的中东研究进行梳理和介绍,旨在通过对这些思想库的研究和分析,更加准确而全面地把握美国中东政策的实质,同时可借鉴这些思想库的成功经验,为我国相关思想库的建设和发展提供参考.  相似文献   

10.
When do citizens rely on party cues, and when do they incorporate policy-relevant information into their political attitudes? Recent research suggests that members of the public, when they possess some policy-relevant information, use that information as much as they use party cues when forming political attitudes. We aim to advance this research by specifying conditions that motivate people to use content over cues and vice versa. Specifically, we believe that increased issue salience motivates people to go beyond heuristics and engage in the systematic processing of policy-relevant information. Using data from a survey experiment that isolates the effects of policy-relevant information, party cues, and issue salience, we find that people are more likely to incorporate policy-relevant information when thinking about hydraulic fracturing (fracking), a relatively high-salience issue. When thinking about storm-water management, a relatively low-salience issue, people are more likely to rely on party cues.  相似文献   

11.
Why do some trade policies become electorally salient while others do not? While much of the literature argues that citizens act as a domestic constraint in the formation of trade policy, a general consensus has emerged that trade is most often a nonsalient issue among voters. This poses a paradox. On the one hand, trade models hinge upon voters’ rational self-interest and preferences for varying levels of protectionism to keep their governments accountable. On the other hand, the conditions by which trade becomes salient to these very voters in the first place are both undertheorized and untested. Using experimental evidence, I argue that two dimensions of a trade policy affect the likelihood of that issue becoming electorally salient. First, policies with large welfare effects should be more salient. Second, more complex issues should be less salient because such agreements are more likely to obfuscate an individual’s ability to discern its effects. I find support for my hypotheses that a trade policy’s salience tends to increase with the magnitude of its welfare effects and decrease with its complexity.  相似文献   

12.
Editorial Policy     
《Negotiation Journal》2002,18(3):188-189

Editorial Introduction

Editorial Policy  相似文献   

13.
Editorial Policy     
《Negotiation Journal》2001,17(3):204-205

Editorial Commentary

Editorial Policy  相似文献   

14.
Editorial Policy     
《Negotiation Journal》2001,17(4):308-309

Editorial Introduction

Editorial Policy  相似文献   

15.
Editorial Policy     
《Negotiation Journal》1999,15(4):316-317

Editorial Commentary

Editorial Policy  相似文献   

16.
Editorial Policy     
《Negotiation Journal》2003,19(2):106-107
Negotiation Journal -  相似文献   

17.
Editorial Policy     
Negotiation Journal -  相似文献   

18.
Editorial Policy     
Negotiation Journal -  相似文献   

19.
Editorial Policy     
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2007,17(3):I0001-I0001
  相似文献   

20.
Editorial Policy     
《Negotiation Journal》1998,14(4):304-305
Negotiation Journal -  相似文献   

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