CEPA对深港经济合作的影响

为促进内地和香港特别行政区经济的共同繁荣与发展,加强双方与其他国家和地区的经贸联系,内地与香港特别行政区代表自2002年1月25日起,经过多轮磋商,于2003年6月29日在香港达成《内地与香港关于建立更紧密经贸关系的安排》(Mainlandand Hong Kong Claser Eco-nomic Partnership Arrangement,以下简称CEPA)。CEPA涵盖三大范畴,分别为:货物贸易、服务贸易和贸易投资便利化(在服劳贸易方面,受惠的行业和领域包括管理咨询、会     

正确认识CEPA及其影响

全球经济一体化和区域化是世界经济发展的潮流。目前,WTO成员绝大多数都参加了区域贸易协定,最多者参加了30多个。内地和香港顺应这种潮流,采取了CEPA这种区域经济合作形式。中国加入WTO后,客观上形成了一国之内四个WTO成员的格局,这为CEPA的签订奠定了良好的基础。在一国之内,采取这种区域经济合作形式,     

在ECFA下推动海峡两岸经贸特区产业合作发展之机会

香港在2003年9月与大陆签订CEPA（更紧密经济伙伴协议），提供了香港历史性飞跃的新动力，它促使香港成为高增加值服务活动的中心．以及更富竞争力的国际性大都会；澳门亦在同年10月17日签署“中澳CEPA”。     

青年人对香港经济及职业选择的意见

一、引言在过去数十年,香港市民眼见了经济发展为香港带来的各种转变,而不少青年人更直接享受到香港的经济成果。经济发展为社会带来的冲击和震撼力是毋容置疑的,与香港关系密切的中国内地也正经历经济改革所造成的新景象。在内地,因应经济开放而出现的庞大市场     

回归祖国后香港与内地经贸关系展望

香港回归后,作为中国的一个特别行政区,与内地的经贸关系将会怎样发展?这个问题,不仅港人关心,内地同胞也同样关注,因为从70年代末以来,香港与内地的经济已是你中有我,我中有你,休戚相关,割舍不开的了。香港的繁荣固然有益于内地的经济发展;内地经济形势更影响到香港经济的走向。在香港的对外贸易总额中,同内地的贸易占了34.8％,居于首位;内地的对外贸易总额中,对香港的贸易占了17.7％,居第二位。     

构建海峡经济区的基本目标、原则和政策建议

考虑到两岸经济关系仍未完全正常化,遵循经济发展的客观规律,为最大限度地实现优势互补、互惠互利和共同发展,海峡经济区的建立应以自由贸易区为目标模式,充分利用内地与港澳更紧密经贸关系安排（CEPA）的参考效应。     

深化粤港经济合作 实现两地共同繁荣

近十几年,内地与香港的经济关系发生了深刻的变化,如今已发展到唇齿相依、兴衰与共的程度。香港经济的发展离不开内地因素的有力支持,内地的社会主义现代化建设也需要借助香港特殊的经济优势,这已成为多数人的共识。两地长期坚持经济合作的实践表明:社会制度的不同、意识形态上的分歧、经济发展水平的差距,并不妨碍双方在经济层面展开合作。只要彼此尊重各自的信仰和法律制度,在互惠互利的前提下,发挥资源互补的综合优势,这种合作关系将在现有基础上更深入地发展。     

积极推进深港金融业合作与创新

一、巨大的机遇 深港金融业合作与创新,是中国加入世贸组织和香港与内地更紧密的经贸关系安排(CEPA)出台后深圳金融业所面临的巨大机遇,能不能抓住这个机遇,对深圳未来的发展具有决定性的意义。     

CEPA对珠三角的影响及深圳的对策

在经济全球化及经济一体化的浪潮下,城市的竞争力不再仅仅是城市个体之间的比拼,而是与城市所在区域的整体实力密切相连,并将体现在该区域经济一体化进程的水平上。哪一个区域在一体化进程上占有先机,该区域的城市群就能在经济全球化的竞争中脱颖而出。刚出台的《内地与香港关于建立更紧密经贸关系安排》(简称CEPA,下同)令粤港经济关系出现历史性转折,使珠三角的发展再一次面临难得的     

落实CEPA的合适平台

“中博会是为落实《内地与香港更紧密经贸关系安排》(下称CEPA)而提供的一个合适的平台,可让境内外企业与企业之间能够广泛交流接触,直接探讨如何共同利用这一国际性的会展平台,共同谋求双赢,合力创造商机。”连续两届中博会的协办单位——香港贸易发展局中国内地推广主管梁国浩在接受记者专访时如是说。     

Taiwan and the geopolitics of late development

Abstract

Through a case study of Taiwan, this paper seeks to address recent debates surrounding the transformation of developmental states in East Asia. Whilst a number of authors have cited the Taiwanese state as being both cautious and resilient in the midst of global restructuring, this paper seeks to critically engage with such arguments by highlighting the dynamic and mutually constitutive relations between the forms of social relations that underpin late development and the wider geopolitical system in which such development occurs. Specifically, Taiwanese industrialisation can be viewed as an outcome of the US intervention in the Chinese civil war and subsequent exclusion of China from the regional political economy in the period between the Korean and Vietnam Wars. The Kuomintang (KMT)'s retreat to Taiwan established the basis for the autonomous developmental state, and the US underpinned this state through military protection, aid and access to its own domestic market. However, the relative decline of US hegemony and the readmission of China into the international system have posed significant challenges to Taiwan's developmental state. The US sought to redress its trade imbalance with East Asia by placing pressure on Taiwan to liberalise its political economy. Furthermore, the very process of development itself served to undermine the autonomy of the state as it came under pressure from new social forces. Taiwan has more recently been faced with a dilemma of closer integration with the mainland or the maintenance of its de facto economic and political independence at the risk of becoming isolated from the global trading system.     

Hong Kong as the ‘Neoliberal Exception’ of China: Transformation of Hong Kong Citizenship Before and After the Transfer of Sovereignty

The formation of Hong Kong citizenship was under tensions and struggles after the change of sovereignty in 1997. In spite of the limited political and social rights, many incidents showed that the promised civil rights were declining. More importantly, subject to the intensified transborder population mobility of Chinese citizens, there were public discourses addressing that the social rights of Hong Kong citizens were threatened. Protests in response to the intensified transborder population mobility were found, with the rightist public discourses advocating to conserve the essences of Hong Kong citizenship. Being the neoliberal exception of China, Hong Kong is positioned to contribute for China by its market economy, as well as the relatively well-established socio-economic institution. However, as this article argues, in spite of the logic of exception, i.e. the zoning technology that the state deploys, the intensified transborder population mobility and economic activities between the neoliberal exception and the sovereign state can lead to the struggles and contentions concerning the citizenship of the former.     

Government intervention in the economy: a comparative analysis of Singapore and Hong Kong

Singapore and Hong Kong are very different and yet very similar in many respects. A study of their current profiles and historical development indicates that the two have achieved comparable economic successes through different development strategies. After World War II, Singapore gained political independence while Hong Kong achieved economic restructuring. The Singapore government adopted an interventionist approach to develop its economy, while the Hong Kong government followed the laissez‐faire principle. However, as the two were maturing socially and economically in the last few decades, both governments found the necessity to adopt a hybrid strategy of mixing economic interventions with the free‐market approach. An examination of public finance and economic policies since the onset of the Asian economic turmoil shows that the two have become increasingly similar in their economic approaches, with heavy emphasis on stabilizing the economy and stimulating business activities through government initiatives. Based on their projected economic, social and political development, the Hong Kong government is expected to become more interventionist while its Singapore counterpart is expected to go in the opposite direction. The economic development strategies of the two governments, coming from two extremes, will become more alike in the foreseeable future, for reasons of political feasibility in the former. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

East asia and cross-Taiwan strait relations

The evolution of the Taiwan issue has been closely linked to the interaction of China and other countries including Japan, Russia, and especially the United States. It is important to examine the great power interaction in East Asia and its effect on the cross-strait relations. Japanese policy toward the Taiwan issue will be a critical indicator of the nature of Sino-Japanese relations. One issue is Japan’s expanding role in the U.S.-Japanese security relations and the implication of such relations for East Asian security. Russia has consistently supported Beijing’s policy on Taiwan. Since the return of Hong Kong to China on July 1, 1997, the policy of “one country, two systems” has been put into practice. If Hong Kong can continue to enjoy a high degree of autonomy and prosperity, valuable lessons might be gained for resolving issues in cross-Taiwan Strait relations.     

The story of two administrative states: state capacity in Hong Kong and Singapore

Abstract

Hong Kong and Singapore are both typical administrative states with an efficient administration and a vibrant market, which had achieved rapid economic growth in the past decades. This article examines the trajectory of their state capacity, highlighting recent problems and challenges. Based on a conceptual framework that captures and links up four dimensions – namely polity, bureaucracy, economy and civil society – their commonalities and differences in response are discussed. Their experience should be of particular relevance to transitional authoritarian states in Asia such as China, which faces similar challenges to reform in the arenas of politics, administration, economics and society.     

Administration in a small capitalist state: The Hong Kong experience

This article is primarily concerned with the functions of bureaucracy in a minimal state and with how those functions might change in response to economic growth. It is predicated on the assumption that bureaucracy is necessary for economic growth even in those countries which seek to achieve such growth through the relatively free operation of the economy within the rubric of a capitalist state. Hong Kong is a case in point. Although it has often been taken as the epitome of the benefits which can be derived from keeping government out of the economy, the bureaucracy has in fact played a critical role in support of economic development. Aside from the functions which must be performed by any state, such as the maintenance of law and order, the administration of justice, and the provision of public works, three features of Hong Kong bureaucratic practice appear to have been important in the definition of the bureaucracy's tasks in the economic growth process. These are ‘value for money’ and the constant need to justify government expenditure; effective line implementation; and the ability to manage crises. If these constitute minimal essential requirements for such governments, they may provide useful criteria which small or micro-states, following capital growth models but not yet experiencing rapid economic development, can apply in assessing the capabilities of their own bureaucracies.     

Transforming the Administrative State: Reform in Hong Kong and the Future of the Developmental State

Hong Kong has been depicted as an administrative state where the civil service is insulated from political and societal forces and enjoys a stable pattern of growth in rewards and status. In these respects, it is similar to other Asian developmental states. In Asia, as in the West, traditions underlying the administrative state are being challenged. The Hong Kong civil service has recently come under serious criticism as a result of a major fiscal crisis and a series of administrative failures, while the unelected status of the chief executive is a focus of growing protest. What is the reform capacity of the Hong Kong bureaucracy in these circumstances? What is the likely trajectory of administrative reform, and can we expect Western models of the neo‐administrative state to be relevant and appropriate to Hong Kong and, by extension, to the rest of Asia?     

Review Article: Don't Discard State Autonomy: Revisiting the East Asian Experience of Development

Rapid East Asian economic growth was commonly credited to the existence of strong, autonomous developmental states. Subsequently a new 'institutionalist' school of thought emerged which argued that an effective state must be connected to civil society, not autonomous from it, and which reinterpreted East Asian development in these terms. This paper is a critical reappraisal of the institutionalist school. The evidence of state autonomy (seen in relativistic rather than absolute, either-or terms) in East Asia's recent history is too great to be ignored. And since some institutionalists themselves acknowledge autonomy as a necessary foundation for developmentally effective relationships with civil society, we should recognize autonomy as a potentially important element of state capacity. State autonomy remains an important analytical concept that deserves the attention of scholars.     

Whither the Developmental State? The Growing Role of NGOs in Japanese Aid Policymaking

Japan is often characterized as a developmental state, i.e., a state with a strong and autonomous bureaucratic leadership that directs the economy toward achieving developmental goals. This study challenges the developmental state model, arguing that the once-powerful Japanese bureaucracy has lost much of its authority and is no longer autonomous from societal forces. By focusing on the growing role of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Japan's official development assistance (ODA) policymaking, this study shows how the nongovernmental sector has begun to challenge bureaucratic dominance and reshape state–civil society relations in Japan.     

Managing for Legitimacy: Agency Governance in Its “Deep” Constitutional Context

Recent literature on bureaucratic structure has gone further than studying discretions given to bureaucrats in policy making, and much attention is now paid to understanding how bureaucratic agencies are managed. This article proposes that the way in which executive governments manage their agencies varies according to their constitutional setting and that this relationship is driven by considerations of the executive's governing legitimacy. Inspired by Charles Tilly (1984), the authors compare patterns of agency governance in Hong Kong and Ireland, in particular, configurations of assigned decision‐making autonomies and control mechanisms. This comparison shows that in governing their agencies, the elected government of Ireland's parliamentary democracy pays more attention to input (i.e., democratic) legitimacy, while the executive government of Hong Kong's administrative state favors output (i.e., performance) legitimacy. These different forms of autonomy and control mechanism reflect different constitutional models of how political executives acquire and sustain their governing legitimacy.