欧盟外交中的多边主义理念

欧盟一直是多边主义的积极倡议者,进入21世纪更是如此.2003年12月,欧盟发表了历史上第一份安全战略文件<更美好世界中的欧洲安全>,正式提出了以"有效的多边主义"为核心的对外战略.     

欧盟的功能多边主义与中国崛起

本文认为,鉴于美国的单边主义倾向,欧盟在处理与美国、中国及其他亚洲国家关系中应占据自己的战略空间,尤其应积极推行功能多边主义,并以共同安全替代美国自冷战以来一直奉行的均势思想;应以合作政策来应对诸如环境污染、能源紧缺、社会矛盾等全球性重大挑战;应拒绝遏制政策,代之以建立在功能多边主义基础上的政策,并寻求中国的支持,从而达到理想的政策效果和提高多边主义效率。中国优先关注国内发展决定了其外交政策的性质,它近年来的变化也使欧盟能够在某些领域与中国顺利合作,并推动了中国在人权和法治方面的进步。     

Multilateralism and Health Security Cooperation in East Asia

Since the end of the Cold War, the newly-emergent and re- current infectious diseases have become a troublesome problem that human society has to deal with. New diseases emerge at an annual rate of one kind per year, while those afflicting human beings for a long time, such as tuberculosis and malaria.     

Preemption, Unilateralism, and Hegemony: The American Tradition?

Historian John Lewis Gaddis has found precedent for the current war on terror in early American history, arguing that the British burning of the capitol in 1814 had an impact on defense policy similar to the terrorist attacks of 9/11, leading to an emphasis on preemption. In basic respects, Gaddis restates the consensus among diplomatic historians that the early republic's foreign policy focused on preemption, unilateralism, and hegemony. But these depictions of early American diplomacy conflate separate eras and ignore an opposing tradition that was more moderate and principled. They are not without some truth, but their imperious sway in histories of our country needs to be checked and balanced.     

多边主义再思考与世界秩序重构

冷战后兴起的多边主义研究在经历了一个研究活跃期后就形成了制度主义和原则导向的二元分野,其中制度主义理论的繁荣迅速掩盖了其他分支的声音,并使多边主义研究本身都趋于沉寂.多边主义并非新事物,20世纪以来始终是与世界政治经济危机和秩序重建相伴相生的,危机破坏了旧的共识和世界秩序,秩序重建要基于新的共识,而多边主义的本质就是协商一致、达成共识.共识可能表现为具体的制度,也可能仅仅是模糊的原则.特朗普执政的四年间,美国背弃多边主义维持合作的前提,严重破坏了二战后国际关系和世界秩序的共识.经历了新冠肺炎疫情加剧的世界政治分裂危机后,国际社会寻求合作正在缓慢复苏.从拜登政府的相关主张来看,伙伴关系和气候议题是新特征,但是追求协商一致和达成共识的本质未变,因此多边主义仍将是重建世界秩序的基础.     

The Changing Nature of Multilateralism and Brazilian Foreign Policy

An important characteristic of the current international setting is the crisis of the structure in existence, rather than the emergence of a new order. The rise of new interests and demands, as well as the speed of the transformation make the current understanding of global governance more complex. Brazil, like other medium powers, has an interest in institutionalised multilateralism as a means of increasing its bargaining capacity and hindering the unilateralism of major powers, without being antagonistic to them. It is attempting to increase its weight in traditional international bodies, which provide the grounding for international legitimacy, as well as in new informal arrangements. While this strategy could lead to the establishment of a new hierarchy that brings in countries of growing relative importance, it has put the weight of regional integration into another perspective in Brazilian foreign policy.     

多边主义与东亚地区卫生安全合作

冷战结束以来,传染性疾病问题对全球社会的挑战日益凸显,东亚地区也不例外。问题的严峻以及全球性卫生安全机制应对能力的不足,在该地区催生了以国家为主体的区域性卫生安全机制。实践证明,多边主义在东亚地区具有强大的生命力。不过,为了实现更为有效的多边卫生安全合作,东亚各国仍然有必要进一步转变观念并更广泛地动员社会力量。     

跨越东西差异,践行多边主义

今年中方的出席具有特殊意义,因为我和我的同事是从前线而来。中国政府正在习近平主席坚强领导下,全力抗击一场突如其来的新型疫情,14亿中国人民团结一心,投身到这场没有硝烟的战争之中。我们决心守护武汉,守护湖北,守护与病毒抗争的每一位骨肉同胞,坚决打赢这场疫情阻击战。     

美国单边主义:传统、历史与现实的透视

单边主义是国家对外政策行为方式之一,曾因布什政府在其外交实践中的身体力行而一度备受国际关系学界的关注.实际上,单边主义并不仅仅是布什政府的时兴之作,美国对外政策的孤立主义思想传统、杰克逊主义历史先例以及当前单极世界体制的现实均与其有着某种内在的因果关系,这决定了它在冷战后美国外交中地位的日益凸显.在思想传统、历史先例和单极体制的综合影响下,单边主义有可能成为日后美国对外政策行为的常态.     

双边与多边：东盟与欧盟区域间关系的演变

本文将基于东盟与欧盟区域间的合作，分析和讨论东盟与欧盟间关系的演变，试图从理论上来解释东盟与欧盟如何通过双边和多边共存的区域间合作模式对国际治理结构起到作用，以及区域间合作所形成的组织机构如何行使国际组织的一部分责任或成为跨区域政策的一个重要补充。     

被误读的米尔斯海默--也谈进攻性现实主义与单边主义的关系

进攻性现实主义是现实主义理论的最新发展 ,认为大国必然出于安全目的而为自己的世界权力份额最大化相互竞争。但是 ,仅从这个意义上去理解米尔斯海默的理论是片面的 ,还必须着眼其理论所阐述的霸权逻辑及其对美国的大战略含义才能准确、全面地把握它。米尔斯海默的理论认为 ,由于巨大水体的阻遏力量和核优势的无法实现 ,各大国谋求全球霸权的努力是徒劳的 ,充其量只能谋求地区霸权地位 ,并努力阻止其他大国成为地区霸主。根据这样的霸权逻辑 ,进攻性现实主义反对美国奉行“帝国战略”和为之服务的单边主义方式与先发制人战略 ,认为“离岸制衡”才是美国大战略的明智选择。因此 ,进攻性现实主义不是单边主义的理论基础     

走向"有效的多边主义"--试析欧盟与联合国的伙伴关系

近年来,随着欧洲一体化的不断深入以及欧盟对外战略扩张的逐步展开,欧盟日益重视联合国在国际事务中的影响与作用,不断加大对联合国事务的参与力度。在各成员国的共同努力下,欧盟在联合国许多重要领域中的集体影响力显著增强。欧盟决心成为“国际机制的主要照管者”和“多边主义的先行者”。随着欧盟的壮大及其“有效的多边主义”的深入发展,欧盟在联合国的地位和作用将愈益增强。     

从伊拉克战争看美国的单边主义

伊拉克战争是美国提出先发制人战略后的第一次实践 ,是美国实行单边主义的一个突出事例。美国未经联合国授权 ,发动了这场战争 ,国际社会没有把美国拦住。战争发生后 ,美国又在某种程度上把战争的结果强加给国际社会 ,在安理会通过了一系列决议 ,表现了国际社会的无可奈何。但伊拉克战争有许多出乎美国决策者意料的事 :他们没有料到联合国不授权 ,没有料到对美军的抵抗主要发生在大规模战争结束以后 ,而不是以前 ,没有料到“对民主的普遍诉求”在伊拉克不那么管用 ,没有料到伊拉克的国家建设如此之难。现在美国陷在了伊拉克 ,这里成了单边主义的泥潭。伊拉克战争已经表明 ,单边主义的代价太大 ,不仅是人力和财力上的代价太大 ,而且也大大损耗了美国的软国力。     

欧盟与中国联合推进多边主义及发展模式的多样性

这是欧盟委员会对外贸易总司副总司长德福安(Pierre Defrainge)先生2003年11月3日在中山大学所作的演讲,其中不乏关于国际形势和欧盟与中国关系等方面的真知灼见。本刊特全文刊登,以飨读者。     

Multilateralism in a unipolar world: the UN Security Council and Iraq

The end of the cold war brought a new era in international politicsthat had the potential for creating a more cooperative and peacefulworld. At the heart of this ‘new world order’ wasto be the United Nations Security Council, which would finallybe able to fulfill its obligations under the UN Charter. Inthe immediate post-cold war years it appeared that this optimismwas well founded as the Security Council became increasinglyactive in authorizing peacekeeping and peace-building missions.Just over a decade later, however, the crisis over Iraq againbrought serious concerns regarding the UN's purpose and legitimacy.This article examines the circumstances surrounding the recentUN Security Council dispute in order to illuminate the meritsof multilateral cooperation. It also asks, more fundamentally,whether multilateralism can be sustained in a unipolar world.     

Regionalizing Multilateralism: Estimating the Power of Potential Regional Voting Blocs in the IMF

This paper explores the voting power of hypothetical regional voting blocs in the Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund. We first discuss the prospect of regionally defined groups becoming more significant in the Fund’s decision-making process. After briefly outlining the IMF’s formal decision procedures, including its weighted voting system, use of special majorities, and the function of voting groups in the Fund’s Executive Board we define three indices of a priori voting power — the Banzhaf, Johnston, and Shapley-Shubik indices — which are then applied to existing voting groups. Following this we simulate several regionally defined a priori coalitions and their potential to influence outcomes in passing resolutions in the Fund using a simple majority. The coalitions we specify are based on the assumption that members of the IMF will form into voting blocs based on regionally-defined preferences. The procedures employed use existing voting weights to project the relative strengths of alternative regional blocs that could emerge within the IMF. Our results indicate that the United States would have the greatest voting power in almost all scenarios. A voting bloc comprised of European countries, however, would be able to dominate the United States unless the U.S. formed an Asia-Pacific bloc. Japan, the PRC, and other Asian countries appear to be unable to form voting blocs that would provide them with more voting power than the United States.     

The Making of the Inter-American Democratic Charter: A Case of Complex Multilateralism

This article examines the diplomatic process found in the making of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Many components of this dynamic point to a significant bending of the "old" pattern of multilateralism associated with the Organization of American States (OAS). The normative purpose behind the charter centered on the collective right to democracy as opposed to the traditional defense of sovereignty. The pattern of involvement contained some parallels with initiatives considered the prototypes of a "new" multilateralism, namely the campaigns against antipersonnel land mines and for an International Criminal Court. That is to say it featured an intense style and a "bottom-up" diplomacy with extensive engagement by secondary states and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Notwithstanding these features, the multilateralism in the making of the Inter-American Charter is depicted as not simply "new" but complex. Stimulated by the 2000 political crisis located in that country, leadership on the charter came from Peru not a classic middle power. The United States was not the maker of the charter but neither was it an opponent or breaker of the initiative. The early burst of speed slowed when resistance appeared from a cluster of states. Serious splits appeared among NGOs involved with the charter process on a north/south basis. To nuance the claims of "new" multilateralism is not to discount the conceptual or (as witnessed by its use in the April 2002 crisis in Venezuela) operational significance of the charter. The argument made in this article, however, is that it was this hybrid nature of the initiative that contributed to its claims of innovation and measure of success.     

Are Free Trade Areas Good for Multilateralism? Evidence from the European Free Trade Association

Do free trade agreements (FTAs) help or hinder multilateral trade liberalization? This question, though much debated, remains unanswered because (1) there has been scant attention to the conditions under which FTAs have either effect, and (2) extant hypotheses have not been rigorously tested. In this article I identify conditions under which FTAs help and hinder broader trade liberalization: they do the former when members' intra– and extra–FTA comparative advantages are similar and the latter when the opposite is true. I test these hypotheses using trade, output, and tariff data from the European Free Trade Association. The trade data indicate that members with similar intra– and extra–FTA comparative advantages liberalized trade more rapidly than those with dissimilar comparative advantages. The output and tariff data suggest that these differences among members reflect hypothesized economic and political processes. My research implies that scholars should abandon universalistic arguments concerning the effects of regional arrangements and devote more attention to the conditions governing the relationship between regionalism and multilateralism.