推进各民族杂居是实现新疆长治久安的重要途径

一、推进各民族杂居的重要性新疆是我国地域面积最大的多宗教、多语言、多文化并存的多民族聚居区,现有21813334人口中,少数民族人口占59.9%,汉族人口占40.1%(新疆日报公布的第六次人口普查数据)。1955年10月,新疆建立了维吾尔自治区。新疆维吾尔自治区下辖5个非维吾尔民族自治州,6个非维吾尔民族自治县,42个非维吾尔民族乡。新疆农村中普遍存在着单一少数民族聚居村和"民汉合居"村之间在经济社会文化发展上的不平衡。与这种不平衡相伴的,是历史上自然形成的少数的"民汉合居"村"插花"在绝大多数单一少数民族聚居     

云南少数民族法文化演变及成因分析——以生态环境保护为视角

云南各少数民族在长期的生产生活中积累了丰富的生态环境保护的经验,这也是他们传统法文化的重要组成部分。文章以生态环境保护为视角分析云南少数民族法文化的演变、成因以及面临的挑战。拟通过对云南少数民族法文化与生态环境内在联系的梳理,为传承民族法文化和生态保护及有序利用尽绵薄之力。     

价值共生:少数民族文化内核重塑之关键——对生态环境变化下康定藏文化迷失的反思

随着市场经济建设的深入,我国少数民族文化生态环境发生了重大变化,文化内核不断流失,大量的优秀文化逐渐湮灭在人类发展的历史长河中,这是人类社会的巨大损失。民族文化资源是少数民族地区的核心优势资源之一,发展少数民族地区经济,解决少数民族文化内核流失问题,不是要反对民族文化资源的开发利用,把少数民族文化封闭起来,而是要在保护少数民族文化生存的生态环境前提下,深入挖掘少数民族文化的内涵与核心价值,找到民族文化传承与经济发展的平衡点,促使少数民族文化价值、经济价值共生和生态价值共生,这样才能既传承和发展少数民族文化,又促进民族地区经济发展,达到经济与文化的共赢。     

农村面源污染治理模式的演进

农村面源污染及其治理模式的转变反映文化轨迹的变化历程。传统社会时期人类被动地适应生态环境而形成生存型文化,工业社会时期利用科学技术手段控制自然环境形成生产型文化,随着生态文明的倡导,人类以生活型文化为主导,主动平衡物质消费与精神生活的关系。在实际文化运行轨迹的过程中,人类不断增长的欲望与需求容易导致文化脱轨现象,引发生态环境恶化与社会矛盾的增多。文化凭借自身具有的"反身性"特性对不适当的行为予以主动修复与纠正,实现整体社会从生产型文化向生活型文化的转变,保持人与生态关系之间的协调统一。     

试论新疆少数民族文化认同的特点

文化认同是社会稳定的核心,了解新疆少数民族文化认同的特点,对积极开展"四个认同"教育具有一定的现实意义。论文以新疆各民族的文化认同为研究对象,总结概括了新疆少数民族文化认同的几个突出特点。     

新疆籍少数民族大学生非正式群体行为研究

随着国家对口援疆战略的实施,教育领域针对援疆战略加快了新疆籍少数民族人才培养工作的步伐,越来越多的新疆籍少数民族大学生来到内地高校接受高等教育。风俗习惯、文化背景和宗教信仰的不同,使得他们极易自发形成非正式群体,有着独特的交往方式,依靠自己形成的群体规范进行群体的管理与发展。针对非正式群体的行为特点,内地高校应进行正确的引导、教育与管理,利用其积极作用抵消其消极作用,保障新疆籍少数民族人才培养战略的顺利实施。     

浅谈新疆少数民族大学生思想政治教育

<正>在当前形势下,针对思想政治教育的根本目的和少数民族大学生的思维特点,笔者认为,对新疆少数民族大学生开展思想政治教育要注意以下几个方面。与弘扬民族文化相结合信仰是人们对世界观、人生观、价值观的持有和选择,必须由人们自己来选择确立。马克思主义信仰是科学的信仰,马克思主义信仰教育是对青年学生进行马克思主义理论体系的     

新疆维吾尔族文化对人力资源开发的影响

新疆是一个少数民族聚居区,开发少数民族人力资源是构建和谐新疆和实现新疆跨越式发展的重要因素。其中,维吾尔族文化对新疆人力资源的开发起着至关重要的作用。因此合理挖掘、利用维吾尔族文化中的积极成分,是促进新疆少数民族人力资源开发的重要途径。     

对新疆少数民族经济跨越式发展的民族学思考

在推进新疆跨越式发展中必须高度重视文化因素:以现代文化为引领,解放思想、更新观念;在发展中要深入挖掘民族传统文化中的经济价值;发展新疆少数民族经济只有在吸收现代化先进科技的同时,充分发挥长期积累的少数民族传统文化的智慧与精华,实现文化可延承性发展,才能实现经济与文化的协调发展,推进新疆跨越式发展和长治久安。     

《古兰经》中生态伦理思想对新疆生态文明建设的若干启示

生态环境问题关乎一个国家,一个地区经济、政治、文化的发展以及社会的长治久安,而在各方面飞速发展的今天,生态环境问题愈演愈烈,带来的不仅是一场生态危机,更是一次伦理危机。通过对《古兰经》中的生态伦理理论的梳理,挖掘其生态伦理的主要内容,并结合新疆实际,论述了《古兰经》中生态伦理思想对新疆生态文明建设的启示。     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

The persecution of German Romanies: the case of Osnabrück, 1933–46

Studies of racial persecution in Germany, particularly during the Nazi period, now appear on almost a daily basis, so that every victimized minority has received attention. Antisemitism remains the main focus of research but the Romanies have now begun to attract scholars. While historians have studied Jews in virtually every location and over short time periods, they have tended to examine the situation of the Romanies at the national level using a longer time frame, recognizing the continuities of racial persecution that link the Nazi years with the rest of the twentieth century. Panayi brings out these longer-term patterns by focusing on the case of Osnabrück. He begins with an account of the historiography of Romanies at both the local and national level, and contrasts this with the general attention that German history of the first half of the twentieth century, especially the Third Reich, has received. The narrative then moves on to use the limited information available on the Osnabrück Romanies to carry out a detailed examination of the realities of their everyday life and the attitudes of the authorities towards them in the town between 1933 and 1946. Panayi’s study falls into the German social history approach of Alltagsgeschichte, which uses the specific to draw out the realities of the general national picture.     

How the Bush and Gore Campaigns Conceptualized and Used the Internet in 2000

Abstract

Political scientists and campaign professionals have been intrigued by the potential of the Internet as a tool for accessing and conveying political information since the mass marketing of the first Web browser in 1993. Optimists have pointed to the possibility for more expansive participation and more substantive, in-depth issue discussions. Pessimists have countered that universal access to the Internet is still years down the road, pointing out there is little reason to believe campaigns will use the Internet either to spice up or to elevate the national political conversation. Such long-term assessments are premature, but we can offer preliminary assessments of how candidates conceptualize and use the Internet. Relying on surveys of online registered voters and interviews with campaign operatives and Webmasters, I examine how the online electorate was perceived and approached by the Bush and Gore campaigns in 2000.1 find that (1) voters were unlikely to seek political information from candidate or party Web sites, (2) voters were skeptical of information presented on these sites, and (3) the campaigns understood this and therefore saw the Internet primarily as a vehicle for internal communication and grassroots activation.     

This other and other others

This paper offers an alternative understanding of the relationship between feminist ethics, time and otherness. Rather than suggesting a feminist ethics should simply be for ‘the other’, or that feminist ethics is always futural (dedicated to that which is not yet), the paper suggests that ethics involves responding to the particular other in a present that carries traces of the past, as well as opening up the future. It is through responding to particular others (where particularity is not understood as a characteristic of another, but as a mode of encounter) that we face and face up to ‘other others’. The relationship between ‘this other’ and ‘other others’ suggests an intimacy between the particular and the collective, between the face-to-face of an encounter and political economies, and between feminist ethics and politics. Indeed, the paper concludes by suggesting that the ethical and political imperatives of feminism are aligned precisely given that collectivity is an effect of the work that has to be done to get closer to this other and, with her, other others. This other and other others collect together in the making of a feminist ‘we’. Such a ‘we’ can be embraced only through a willingness to struggle with and for others who are faced in the present (a facing that is indebted to a past that cannot be left behind), and an openness to the future, as the promise and hope of what we might yet become.     

Recent interpretations of ideology

The ‘emergence’ of the ‘market’ as the basis of economic and political decision-making has become a main focus of debate within the social sciences since the late 1970s. Even while those opposing the growing centrality of neo-classical economics and market-oriented political discourses remain a significant academic constituency, within their ranks there has been a growing realization that regulatory mechanisms, and in particular the role of the state, have nevertheless been the subject of extensive changes. Alternative schools of thought have argued in terms of the way in which such mechanisms have been refashioned. Regulation has become, in the words of Regini and Majone, ‘transferred’ and the ‘boundaries’ between regulator and regulated ‘changed’: the regulatory process has been seen to shift at the macro/national level and at the micro/enterprise level. While supporting the general argument that it is the boundaries of regulation which are to be discussed, not its presence, we shall nevertheless argue that these changes are, if anything, more contentious and that a set of ironies emerges which politicize regulation even further.