A Preliminary Assessment of Water Institutions in India: An Institutional Design Perspective

Water institutions in India play a crucial role in managing scarce water resources and are central to economic development and poverty alleviation. Designing appropriate institutional mechanisms to allocate scarce water and river flows has been an enormous challenge due to the complex legal, constitutional, and social issues involved. The Indian water sector has been grappling with poor performance and deterioration of public (canal and tank) irrigation systems, high extraction levels of groundwater, and related economic and environmental problems. The objective of this article is to carry out a preliminary assessment of institutional mechanisms available to manage water resources in India. The article surveys various formal and informal institutional arrangements that are used at present and their design features in order to identify those institutions related to superior performance. The analysis indicates that crafting “winning institutions” and the policy frameworks to strengthen them should take into account not only the proven criteria of institutional design but also the changing socioeconomic, political, and cultural factors.     

The State Central Economic Bureaucracies and the Outcome of Systemic Economic Reform: An Institutional Explanation for the Soviet and Chinese Experiences

This article uses an institutional approach to explain the different economic reform outcomes in the Soviet Union and China. It studies how the different institutional positions of the Soviet and Chinese central economic bureaucracies give them different power resources to resist economic reform policies. This article shows that crucial differences between the two regimes in historical experiences, economic development strategies, and ideologies on bureaucratic rationality created different levels of institutional participation by the two central economic bureaucracies in state economic policymaking, and different economic management structures. Specifically, in the Soviet Union there was a strong participatory bureaucracy and a ministerial, vertically based economic management structure. In China however, there was a state leader dominated, politically weak bureaucracy and a provincial, horizontally based economic management structure. These crucial institutional differences, I argue, later gave the two central economic bureaucracies not only different incentives but also different resources to resist and sabotage economic reforms.     

国家现代治理从制度建设到体系建构的发展

党的十九届四中全会标志着中国特色社会主义制度进入了体系建构的发展阶段。党领导推进国家治理现代化的进程体现着从制度建设到体系建构的发展,制度一项项建立起来是体系建构的先决条件,体系建构着眼于制度间的衔接和整合,是制度的整体效能得以彰显的必然要求。中国特色社会主义制度建设伴随新中国的成立而开启,伴随改革开放创新实践而开展,伴随进入新时代而完善。推进国家治理现代化的新时代实践,对中国特色社会主义制度提出了体系建构的新任务。以习近平同志为核心的党中央深刻认识制度体系建构的极端重要性,党的十九届四中全会形成新的思想认识,作出了新的战略部署。全会通过的《决定》从多个方面体现了中国特色社会主义制度体系建构的重大战略思想。     

China's dualist model on technological catching up: a comparative perspective

Abstract

The central question of this paper is whether China can go beyond simple technological transfer and toward innovation in this age of globalization. By adopting an institutionalist perspective, this paper argues that China has developed a dualist model during its economic transitional period in which the foreign sector has been isolated from domestic firms, while the domestic industrial sectors have also failed to develop organic linkages among themselves to facilitate technological learning and generate innovation. This paper discusses four major institutional arrangements that deeply influence China's technological development – the institutional logic of economic reform, the state's industrial policy, the financial system and the industrial structure. It suggests that, owing to these institutional elements, China has neither developed economies of scale, as compared with the South Korean case, nor has it built up a network-type of economy similar to its Taiwanese counterpart in order to generate the mechanisms needed for technological innovation.     

A Tale of Should Be but Is Not: the Political and Economic Drivers of Limited Chinese Investments in Colombia

Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) has been one of the economic tools China has used to engage South America. Although Colombia has been attracting inward FDI in quantities similar to other key regional states, its macroeconomic and sectoral features and investment attraction policies positively correlate with many of the factors known to attract Chinese outward FDI (OFDI), and both the Colombia and Chinese governments are committed to increasing Chinese OFDI (COFDI) flows to Colombia, COFDI volumes to the Andean nation have yet to live up to expectations. This puzzling case highlights the need for a better understanding of the political-economic factors that drive COFDI. My case study show that Colombia’s political and economic traits have been hindering COFDI. Regarding the former, Colombia’s local politics regarding extractive activities and bidding on infrastructure projects and its close relations with the United States function to create an adverse environment for increased COFDI. With respect to the latter, the international economic environment, especially regarding commodities’ prices, has impaired Chinese investment in Colombia. Overall, Colombia’s case underscores the delicate interplay of international, national, and subnational factors on COFDI flows.

     

Constructing Institutional Measures: Indicators of Political and Property Rights in Mozambique, 1900–2005

In this article, we focus on the role of political and economic institutions in Mozambique's development. We produce a set of institutional indicators for Mozambique for the period 1900–2005. The first index tracks political freedoms and is unique in its duration and complexity. The second index is a measure of property rights for Mozambique, and such a measure has not existed previously and certainly not for this length of time. The construction of these indices is a painstaking process through historical records but it provides us with a richness of institutional data previously not available. The new institutional indices will allow us to explore the role of the institutional environment in determining economic growth and development in Mozambique over time.     

The political and practical obstacles to the reform of the judiciary and the establishment of a rule of law in China

Is China’s “socialist rule by law” (社会主义法制) qualified to be called “rule of law” (法治) or a “thin rule of law” proposed by Randall Peeremboon, without abolishing the political supremacy of the Chinese Communist Party and the establishment of an independent judiciary? Since the mid-1990s, the Chinese legal system and its judiciary have gone through reforms and on the whole modernized. However, the Chinese judiciary still faces many problems, and among them the lack of professional jurists, corruption and local protectionism appear as crucial ones. The current political and institutional arrangements and lack of freedom of the press and freedom of association clearly intensify these problems. “Rule of law” (法治) or “rule by law” (法制) in China is still more often interpreted in the light of the respective political, bureaucratic and economic powers of the parties involved than according to principles of law or equity. The modernization of the legal system will continue, but the political translation of the legal demands of society and the international community will take time to materialize. In the meantime, risks, setbacks and difficulties will continue to prevent China from establishing a truly independent judiciary and what is universally called a rule of law.     

Contested multilateralism 2.0 and regional order transition: causes and implications

This article proposes a new concept of ‘contested multilateralism 2.0’ to describe the puzzling institutional building efforts by non-ASEAN members after the 2008 global financial crisis (GFC) in the Asia-Pacific. It suggests that different to ‘multilateralism 1.0’ of the 1990s, which was mainly led by ASEAN, this wave of multilateralism has been initiated by other powers, such as the United States, China, Japan, Australia and South Korea, either by forming new institutions or by reinvigorating existing ones. This article advances an institutional balancing argument. It suggests that ‘contested multilateralism 2.0’ is a result of institutional balancing among major states under the conditions of high strategic uncertainty and high economic interdependence after the GFC. One unintended consequence may be that it could well lead to a more peaceful transformation of the regional order in the Asia-Pacific if regional security hotspots, such as the Korean crisis and the South China Sea dispute, can be managed appropriately.     

Do the “Dragon’s Gifts” Improve China’s National Image? An Empirical Analysis of the Economic Relations and Public Perceptions of China in Africa

Using a multivariate framework and the most recently available data that include numerous African countries, this investigation has produced the first extensive statistical evaluation of China’s image in Africa based on China’s various economic relations with Africa, including aid, trade, FDI and contracts. We find that China’s economic development assistance, contracts, and to some degree, trade with African countries contribute to a positive image of China in Africa. In addition, we find that people in African countries of a smaller population, poorer livelihood, less open economy, and better governance tend to have positive views of China’s political and economic influence. With the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese economic activities in recipient countries have been increasing. The implications of this research shed light on how BRI may be received in the host countries and the likelihood of its success or failure.

     

China's economic slowdown: implications for Beijing's institutional power and global governance role

China's spectacular economic growth over the past decades has given rise to a more confident and proactive China in global governance. China is now an institution-builder, with new Chinese-led institutions such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank designed to cement Beijing's central role in global economic governance. What, then, are the potential implications of a slowing economy for China's institutional power and global governance role? This article locates China's economic growth and slowdown in broader discussions about China's global position and questions about responsibility, order and governance. It argues that China's economic slowdown will not result in a drastic impact on Beijing's institutional power as there are key material, historical and ideational drivers at play here. Unless China is confronted with the prospect of an economic collapse, it will continue to pursue an active institutional role, speak the rhetoric of South–South solidarity with emerging economies and seek a leadership role in reforming global economic governance, even with a slowing economy, because this is intrinsically tied to its identity and how China now positions itself in an evolving global order.     

理论、历史与现实:中国特色社会主义制度优势的三维考察

中国特色社会主义制度优势是人们坚持中国道路的重要前提,是深化中国理论的重要资源,是发展中国文化的重要保障。中国制度优势深刻蕴含着中国共产党对"三大规律"的深刻系统把握,把握中国特色社会主义制度的优势,就是要从历史唯物主义的高度阐述中国制度与人类社会其他制度相比较所具有的优势。中国制度不是自然形成的,其形成和发展有着自身的历史逻辑。中国制度优势也不是天然存在的,正是在新中国成立尤其是改革开放以来中国制度形成的历史逻辑中逐步得到体现的。制度设计和制度执行力是制度优势的表现形式,而制度优势的评价标准只能是实践,当代中国的伟大实践一再证实了中国制度优势。     

资源整合:我国乡镇建制的调整逻辑

建制是国家政权的组织体系及其行政机构的空间安排,其实质内容是一种资源集装器,内含国家促进经济社会发展的不同体制资源,包括公共权力资源、公共服务资源和经济发展资源。新中国成立初期,服务于国家的工业化发展战略,我国确立了乡镇分制的设置模式。国家在乡镇建制中进行资源的分离型配置,以分离配置促进国家资源分类集中,提高工商业和农业生产效率。改革开放后,乡镇合并趋势打破切块设镇、乡镇分设的格局,在乡镇建制中对公共权力、公共服务和经济发展资源进行一体化配置,乡镇建制逐步功能趋同化。乡镇建制调整的不同阶段,国家运用不同的资源逻辑,实现国家整合工农城乡关系的战略目标,构建有利于现代化进程的建制体系。     

Reforming the Spanish Senate: Mission Impossible?

Attempts in recent years to reform the Spanish Senate have proven futile. Using an institutionalist approach, this article highlights some of the weaknesses of the Spanish Senate in terms of its constitutional design and institutional development. The article explains how attempts at reforming political institutions are influenced by the historical context in which the institution was originally designed and the political context in which it has subsequently developed. The debate over Senate reform is analysed by examining the Senate's institutional setting and its relationships to broader political settings such as the legacy of the transition to democracy, political party discourse, and a competitive culture in Spain's system of intergovernmental relations.     

传统中国社会服务的心性基础与组织载体

心性秩序与组织结构是社会理论基本的内在/外在视角。本文试图从这一内外视角来阐述传统中国的社会服务机制。传统中国的人的本质是以亲亲为核心的伦理总体,这是社会团结的总体机制,也是社会服务的心性基础。据此阐述了与之对应的以家庭为主要组织载体,以宗族、宗教组织、政府专业机构与民间志愿团体为补充的社会服务组织结构。通过对传统中国社会服务的反思,为转型时期的中国构建合适的社会服务体系提供参考。     

The Role of “Parallel Institutions” in China’s Growing Participation in Global Economic Governance

China is creating or co-creating new international economic institutions in areas such as trade, development finance, currency settlement and credit rating that parallel those that arose out of the Bretton Woods conference of 1944 or are tied to the interests of rich, developed countries. What are its reasons for doing this? What are the characteristics of the new institutions? How do the new institutions relate to the old institutions? Will China’s initiatives lead to better global economic governance? This paper attempts to answer these questions. Its main conclusions are that China is trying to create a new international economic order in which its political power is more commensurate with its economic power, its creation of new international institutions is an important part of this strategy, the institutions that China is creating are meant to be open and inclusive and to introduce “better practices”, and it is possible – though not necessarily probable – that China can make a major contribution to global economic governance provided it can overcome operational challenges, skepticism about its intentions and too narrow a view of its national interest.     

The Formation and Impact of Isomorphic Pressures: Extravagant Position‐Related Consumption in China

In this article, we examine the impact of isomorphic pressures on institutional practices, a field that has not been adequately explored and explained. A critical issue, on which this article focuses, is the process by which isomorphic pressures translate into homogenous institutional practices across organizations. Drawing on the case of extravagant position‐related consumption in local governments in China, we identify the sources of isomorphic pressures, how they come to have an impact, in what ways they are manifested and how they are sustained. We find that institutionalized isomorphic pressures may create informal institutional practices in contradiction to formal legal norms. We further analyze the endogenous dynamics behind the formation of isomorphic pressures, which are deeply embedded in the complex web of Chinese bureaucratic relationships. This article is based on 65 in‐depth interviews with government officials as well as relevant government documents and media accounts.     

民营经济融资难的制度原因

民营经济虽然已经成为推动中国经济发展的重要力量之一,但中国民营经济的融资现状却不容乐观,民营经济融资难问题已经成为制约中国经济持续发展的瓶颈。民营经济融资难是和银行对民营经济的贷款偏小有关,其根本原因在于信用制度与监督制度的缺陷。这些缺陷造成了中国企业的“道德风险”、逃废债。另外,信用评估制度不完善导致银行难以得到企业信息,而在政府补贴国有企业与银行时,其结果就会是银行贷款偏好国有企业,引起民营经济融资难。解决民营经济融资难的问题需要完善相关制度,制度的完善有赖于提高国家的制度转型能力。     

Building China’s Soft Power for a Peaceful Rise

With its rapid economic growth and deepening integration into the global system, Chinese leaders see the first 20 years of the 21st century as an ‘important period of strategic opportunity’ for China. China under Hu Jintao’s leadership has chosen a new path of peaceful rise. To facilitate such a peaceful rise, Chinese Communist Party has gradually adopted a soft power strategy. We see building soft power as a means as well as the end of China’s peaceful rise. We argue China has a genuine desire for peace in her rise and China’s peaceful rise may not be impossible. Based on existing literature, we expand the sources of soft power to six pillars: cultural attractiveness, political values, development model, international institutions, international image, and economic temptation. We also identify three channels for wielding soft power: formal, economic, and cultural diplomacies. Putting all the basics together, we have proposed an integrative model of soft power. Accordingly, we analyze the sources and limits of China’s soft power and suggest how to improve it in these six areas.     

Chinese Foreign Direct Investment and Argentina: Unraveling the Path

This article explores the political economy of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) in Argentina during the reign of Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez. Among other things, it contemplates possible links between Chinese outward FDI (OFDI) volumes and Argentina’s domestic and foreign policies. It also analyses a mixture of successful and unsuccessful Chinese investment cases in the agricultural, chemical, and banking sectors in order to engage the debate about the drivers of Chinese OFDI (COFDI), with some stressing business and economic factors and others emphasizing the primacy of political factors. In regards to the former, my study shows that Argentine policymakers did not offer special accommodations to Chinese investors despite the pro-China proclivities of Argentine leaders and their country’s economic and political need for China. Moreover, at the local level, Argentine politics actually proved to be an obstacle to successful Chinese deals. As for the latter issue, Chinese companies were not inclined to invest in Argentina because of the China stance of the Argentine government, but rather because they saw opportunities to exploit fertile agricultural soil, special tax regimes for investors, and opportunities to integrate into global value chain. My findings have a number of important theoretical and policy implications.

     

Globalisation,liberal theory and the spatiality of governance in Sub‐Saharan Africa

The debate over development and democracy is a highly charged one, because the two concepts are open to such divergent interpretation. In recent years, while academics were discovering globalisation, the major international financial institutions have been championing a particular version of the democracy‐development debate centred upon the notion of governance. They contend that democratisation and institutional reforms must occur before or alongside economic development. This article argues that their vision of governance is highly normative and simplifies reality for ideological purposes. This revolves around a particular reading of liberal political economy which sees political institutions as neutral arbiters and civil society as a space of freedom for plural voices. These formulations are implicitly spatial since they see political space as divided neatly into the international, national and local and thereby ignore the multiple power flows between these sites. The article concludes by trying to reformulate some of these concerns around the idea of the developmental state and progressive democracy.