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1.
Abstract

The Asia-Pacific region is home to a large and rapidly growing number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs). These agreements differ widely in design, scope and purpose. The “noodle bowl” that has resulted runs the risk of distorting investment and trade. Neither global institutions (the WTO) nor regional institutions such as the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) grouping have successfully addressed these issues. Amidst this increasingly messy situation, the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement stands out for a range of important economic and political reasons, not least of which is its potential to take existing PTAs in the Asia-Pacific region in a new direction. The aim of the TPP negotiators is to produce a comprehensive, high quality, multi-party agreement to tame the tangle of PTAs and be a potential stepping stone to achieving the goal of liberalizing regional trade on a non-discriminatory basis. The economic gains from removing border barriers among the countries involved in the initial TPP negotiations are likely to be limited, however, given the small size of many of the economies and the existing PTAs among them. To date, the US has been unwilling to offer a single set of arrangements for all TPP partners, preferring to build on existing bilateral agreements. Pessimism about the immediate results from the TPP should be tempered, however, by considerations of the dynamics that it might set in train; on the other hand, it has the potential to divide the region and exacerbate China's concerns about “containment”.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

In 2004 and 2006, proposals were made at APEC summits to establish a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). This was an essentially a reworking of an idea first raised in the mid-1960s to create a Pacific Free Trade Area, or PAFTA. Although the PAFTA initiative never advanced, it helped lay the first organizational foundations for regional economic community building in the Asia-Pacific. The recent FTAAP proposal thus brings us full circle to the antecedent origins of APEC itself. If realized, an FTAAP would also create a free trade zone that would encircle the Pacific Rim economy and thereby subsume the region's now large number of bilateral and sub-regional free trade agreements (FTAs) into one unified agreement. Yet there are many inherent problems with establishing an FTAAP. These broadly relate to deconstructing the preferentialism of existing bilateral and sub-regional FTAs, achieving a consensus on the technical policy content and ideational principles on which an FTAAP would be based, and addressing various geopolitical issues such as reconciling the formation of a pan-regional Asia-Pacific FTA with an already fragile multilateral trading system. Growing interest in a ‘rival’ East Asia Free Trade Area project presents another geopolitical challenge. In considering these and other questions, it is concluded that many obstacles will remain in the path to realizing an FTAAP, and that this may not actually be a desirable objective to pursue for some time yet.  相似文献   

3.
This paper is a response to the debate generated in the special issue of The Pacific Review on ‘Ideas, policy networks and international policy coordination in the Asia‐Pacific’. It suggests that an understanding of the discourses and practices of regionalism in the Asia‐Pacific has to be based on a broader account of societal discourses and a sharper delineation of the policy process specific to the region.  相似文献   

4.
    
The contested planning of European macro-regions and Trans-European Transport Network (TEN-T) exemplifies the complexities of spatial politics, territorial and relational. What stratagems – discursive and cartographic – may regional actors employ in the process, and what can we learn from them? In context of European Union integration policies, we explore Spanish regional politics – discursive and cartographic – surrounding planning of cross-border regions and a TEN-T “Mediterranean Corridor” (and its alternatives). The contested remapping of macro-regions and transport networks reveals the role of spatial planning in the vertebració (structuration in Catalan) of European territory in distinct ways, as Mediterranean regionalism shifts from territoriality to trains.  相似文献   

5.
    
This paper assesses the potential of ASEAN Plus Three (APT) to catalyze a process of economic and political integration in East Asia. The analysis first illustrates APT participants’ projected views of APT’s opportunities and limitations and then assesses the motives and objectives driving APT cooperation. Following a review of the major achievements of APT, the study gives an outlook on APT’s relevance and prospects. The findings of the article are that most APT states do not advocate ideas of distinctive pan-East Asian regionalism, but rather take an Asia-Pacific perspective. Only Malaysia and China appear to be promoting more exclusive forms of East Asian regionalism. Within APT, China is aggressively pushing a strong China–ASEAN axis, whereas Japan is seeking to balance China’s efforts and step up its political and economic cooperative profile in the region. A look at the achievements of APT does not suggest a rapid spread of pan-East Asian regionalism. On the contrary, the proposed ASEAN–China FTA proposal has triggered fierce competition between Japan and China and thus divided APT even further. Moreover, it is not at all certain whether the ASEAN–China FTA plan is going to work out in the end, due to objections from various ASEAN members, including a somewhat capricious Malaysia. Whereas pan-East Asian integration efforts are unlikely, the APT process is attractive enough to keep Japan and China, who are competing for influence in Southeast Asia, committed to the APT process. Regardless of APT’s internal fragmentation, its dynamic has already begun to change the political and economic landscape of East Asia. Thus, ASEAN has been able to enhance its leverage vis-à-vis Japan and China, profiting from their strategic opposition. Japan’s reluctance to discuss trade liberalization with ASEAN members already appears to be crumbling, as it is struggling to preclude Chinese domination.  相似文献   

6.
    
This article explores the early potential of the Framework for Pacific regionalism, a new political process that Pacific nations are using to establish regional development priorities. The emergence of this process is positioned within a context of a desire for a new era of Pacific-led regional development collaboration. The early outcomes of the Framework are outlined and examined. Specifically, the article questions whether it is meeting aspirations for ‘game-changing’ development goals that enjoy greater levels of ‘ownership’ amongst Pacific leaders. It also explores whether the new process canbe seen as evidence of a new era of ‘post-hegemonic’ regionalism in Oceania, characterised by a revitalisation of regional political debate; a rejection of ‘economism’; and the reassertion of indigenous and civil society concerns.  相似文献   

7.
    
A busy year for Russian revolutionary Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, 1917 also marked the publication of his study of American agriculture. The report reads as more than a historical curiosity, offering insights, however era-bounded, on a variety of topics of substantive and epistemological interest today. Lenin writes of the history of American agriculture, its dynamic regionalism, and its sector-specific class conflicts. Along the way, despite his obvious structural tendencies, we meet an anti-foundational author who, while upbraiding bourgeois economists for their expedient technicism, often in scathing terms, also warns that sweeping conclusions about the sizes of farm and capitalization are problematic in the face of historically dependent and contradictory trends. Here, in the first of the paper’s two parts, we begin to place Lenin’s project in the broader stream of critical agrarian studies, including the classic contrast with agricultural economist Alexander Chayanov, but also the diseconomies of modern agriculture, the biological limits on industrializing food production, and Stalin’s “dekulakization” campaign. Our aims here are more than academic. The exploration is framed by the roles the structure of agriculture and its impacts on its participants play in political change, from elections to revolution.  相似文献   

8.
通过梳理托马斯·戴逸、卡尔·帕顿、大卫·沙维奇、威廉·邓恩、斯图亚特·S.内格尔、叶海卡·德罗尔、戈登等代表人物的重要观点,可以认为政策分析理论从不同角度看存在政策分析与政策倡议、研究型分析与快速分析、前瞻性分析与回溯性分析、内容分析与过程分析、微观分析与宏观分析、政策的分析与为政策进行的分析等六大类型。通过类型研究,可以更多了解政策分析的范畴、多样性和目标差异等。  相似文献   

9.
动态均衡视角下的政策变迁规律研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
公共政策在其动态运行过程中,政策变迁是一个自然的过程环节。所谓政策变迁是指不同政策间的替代与转换过程①。这一过程是否遵循某种一般性规律,理论界对此一直缺乏必要的研究探讨。从动态均衡的视角看来,可以将政策变迁过程分为政策失衡、政策创新、政策均衡3个阶段。其中,政策失衡指的是愿意改变既定政策的政策参与者的集合力量,超过愿意维持既定政策的政策参与者的力量集合时的一种状态;而政策均衡则表示与之相反的一种状态。政策创新是指由旧政策到新政策的实质性转换过程。通过这3个环节,拟揭示出政策变迁过程中政策从原有均衡状态演变为失衡状态,再通过创新变革向新的均衡状态转变这一规律。  相似文献   

10.
    
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11.
    
This article analyzes congressional activism during an international crisis. Using the 1994 Rwandan genocide as a case, this study explores executive–congressional relations during a time when immediate policy responses are needed. A content analysis of policy statements made during committees, on the House floor, and on the Senate floor is used to investigate the specific policy ideas proposed by members of Congress. The models presented pay particular attention to the actions of Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) members, in relation to other more common predictors of congressional activism. In addition to the results for CBC members, other conclusions indicate that foreign policy leaders in Congress are international affairs policy experts without serious concerns of being defeated in their next election.  相似文献   

12.
公共政策的制定者在决策过程中往往通过某种方式来参考其它国家的决策者在相似情况下的做法,包括正面经验和负面教训。这种政策转移(Policy Transfer)现象是公共政策制定和制度创新在现实中的一种主要途径和方式。论述分三个部分:首先,简述了政策转移的概念化过程,辨别了和其它相近概念的异同;其次,勾勒了本课题研究的多学科、多方法和多层次的态势,列举和介绍了一些代表性的研究实例;最后,探讨了相关的理论生成的问题。通过对有关政策转移问题研究的回顾、分析和总结,强调了我国政策转移中大量转移实践和理论研究缺失之间的矛盾现象;提出了开展我国政策转移研究的必要性和关注点;旨在引起我国公共政策的制定者和学者对这一课题的重视,为公共政策有关的决策实践和理论研究提供一个观察、分析和决策的角度。  相似文献   

13.
Despite change in the aims, institutions and informal diplomacy of ASEAN since 1997, the formal diplomatic code of conduct remains locked in a traditionalist mode first outlined in the 1970s. Existing approaches from mainstream International Relations theorising are unable to adequately explain this continuity and change. The recent ‘practice turn’ in theorising offers distinct explanatory advantage, which this article illustrates by arguing that the formation of an ‘ASEAN rationality’ between 1967 and 1997 fundamentally curtailed the ability of regional diplomats to revise ASEAN post 1997, resulting in the coexistence of new and old norms in ASEAN's organisation design.  相似文献   

14.
Hyperlink network analysis, which utilizes the links between websites to map online communication structures, offers an emerging methodology for studying the networks of supporters and opponents of public policies. Reasons for the methodology's appeal include the ability to utilize web crawlers to collect large amounts of data and the ability to apply quantitative and qualitative methods to examine network interactions. While the methodology has been utilized by diverse disciplines it is relatively new to the fields of political science and public policy. Utilizing a mixed‐methods research design, this article examines the applicability of using hyperlink networks to study opposing groups in the Colorado climate and energy policy subsystem while drawing increased attention to the methodology's strengths and weaknesses. The results demonstrate the methodology's considerable potential, but highlight the need for greater adoption of a collection of best practices designed to increase the validity, reliability, and generalizability of hyperlink research.  相似文献   

15.
    
As regions become more institutionalized, they are characterized by two competing trends. First, key regional institutions can become hub institutions that act as transmitters of a comprehensive set of norms. Second, as regional institutions increase in number, regions themselves are liable to become more fragmented. How these trends have played out is explored in two key regions, the Americas and the Asia-Pacific. It is concluded that regions are not static entities but are ever-changing structural arrangements. Hub institutions can be challenged and the consequences can be significant as regions gain in importance on the international stage.  相似文献   

16.
    
East Asia has many distinctive features that set it apart from other comparable regions, not least attitudes to regional development and cooperation. Despite a growing number of regional initiatives in East Asia, however, they are generally distinguished by their ineffectiveness. It is entirely possible that ‘institutional balancing’, like its more well-known power balancing counterpart, is designed not to facilitate but to prevent something from happening. The sort of ‘multilateralism 1.0’ developed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has a lot to answer for in this regard: having established its own pattern of institutional effectiveness ASEAN's ‘leadership’ has caused it to be replicated under the new wave of ‘multilateralism 2.0’. Consequently, I suggest that not only is China very comfortable with the idea of a rather feeble and ineffective institutional architecture, but the USA is also unlikely to do anything to change this picture, especially under a Trump administration that is highly skeptical about the efficacy of multilateral institutions at the best of times.  相似文献   

17.
    
China's HIV/AIDS policy progress displays a long‐term stagnancy followed by a sudden revolution. This article utilizes multiple theoretical tools to interpret this policy progress. It identifies four phases of China's HIV/AIDS policy process: (1) institutional endurance interpreted by path dependence from historical institutionalism; (2) deinstitutionalization explained by Oliver's antecedents of deinstitutionalization; (3) the radical shift interpreted by Kingdon's agenda‐setting theory; and (4) reinstitutionalization and diffusion of institutional theory. This study demonstrates the utility of “creative borrowing”—employing multiple theoretical tools to harness the strengths of each. Doing so reveals that a country's past experience with similar policy issues, the perceived political and moral legitimacy of existing policies, and a country's existing political interests can exert resistance to change. In the presence of multiple pressures for change, policy entrepreneurs who can identify policy windows and couple multiple streams may achieve radical policy shifts. El progreso legislativo relacionado al VIH/SIDA en China muestra un estancamiento a largo plazo seguido de una revolución repentina. El objetivo de este estudio es utilizar múltiples herramientas teoréticas para interpretar este progreso legislativo. Se identifican cuatro fases en el progreso de la legislación china sobre el VIH/SIDA: (1) Resistencia Institucional, interpretada por la dependencia al modelo del institucionalismo histórico; (2) Desinstitucionalización, explicada por los antecedentes de desinstitucionalización de Oliver; (3) el Cambio Radical, interpretado por la teoría del establecimiento de agendas políticas de Kingdon, y (4) Reinstitucionalización y Difusión de la teoría institucional. Este estudio muestra la utilidad del “préstamos creativo”—el empleo de múltiples herramientas teóricas para aprovechar las fortalezas de cada una. Este estudio revela que experiencias pasadas con temas legislativos similares, la percepción de legitimidad política y moral de las políticas existentes, y los intereses políticos existentes en el país pueden ejercer una resistencia al cambio Dada la presencia de múltiples presiones para el cambio, emprendedores políticos que identifiquen oportunidades en las políticas y combinen múltiples enfoques pueden lograr cambios políticos radicales. Related Articles: “Civil Society and Immigrant Health Policy Convergence,” (2011): http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00283.x/abstract “The State, the Market, Economic Growth, and Poverty in China,” (2007): http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00088.x/abstract “The Search for Legitimacy in Asia,” (2010): http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00240.x/abstract  相似文献   

18.
    
This paper presents empirical evidence that the enactment of parental involvement laws by states is a major reason for the steady decline in the incidence of abortion that has occurred in the United States since 1981. Parental involvement laws reduced the likelihood of teen minor females (under 18 years of age) having unwanted pregnancies by altering their frequency of unprotected sexual activity or contraceptive use. This change in teen minors' pregnancy avoidance behavior is found to be perpetuated over adult women's childbearing span of 18-44 years of age. Parental involvement laws are estimated to account for approximately one-third of the decline in the abortion rates of adult women of childbearing age over the period 1982-2000. The empirical results remain robust even after controlling for outliers, interstate migration, regional effects, and the presence of a waiting period. Este artículo presenta evidencia empírica de que la promulgación, al nivel de entidades federativas, de leyes de involucramiento de los padres, es una razón importante para la continua disminución en la incidencia de abortos que ha ocurrido en los Estados Unidos desde 1981. Estas leyes llamadas “Parental Involvement Laws” redujeron la incidencia de embarazos entre menores adolescentes (con menos de 18 años de edad) al disminuir la frecuencia de la actividad sexual no protegida de las mismas. Este cambio en el comportamiento en la prevención del embarazo en las menores adolescentes es perpetuada en mujeres adultas en edad fértil de los 18 a los 44 años de edad. Se estima que dichas leyes son la causa de aproximadamente 1/3 de la disminución en los índices de aborto entre mujeres adultas en edad fértil en el periodo de 1982-2000. Los resultados empíricos se mantienen robustos aun después de controlar los valores atípicos, la migración entre estados, efectos regionales, y la presencia de un periodo de espera.  相似文献   

19.
随着全球化进程逐步深入,政策议程已经越来越多地受到跨国经验的影响.各种团体、国际组织以及各类政策制定者越来越多地转移国际经验到本国的政治、经济与社会中,而处于这一进程中的我国政策制定必将更加不可避免地受到这一趋势的影响.因此,如何适应这一新形势的要求,研究政策转移的特点及规律,特别是探索一个符合中国国情的政策转移体系,以对当下我国政策过程实践有所启发和帮助,是我们亟待解决的新课题.文章以全球化为背景,通过对我国政策转移的回顾与反思,针对影响我国政策转移的主要障碍及其症结,尝试建构当前我国政策转移的框架体系及保障机制,以供我国政策转移实践之参考.  相似文献   

20.
    
Highly flexible in nature, “contingent coordination” may be an ideal response mechanism for many of today's increasingly complex problems. However, the existing literature lacks a conceptual discussion regarding factors that contribute to its success or failure, as well as an empirical application of the theory. When the Deepwater Horizon offshore drilling unit exploded in April 2010, it resulted in the largest response effort in American history, involving personnel representing numerous organizations stretching from the southern coast of Louisiana through the panhandle of Florida. This article explores five underlying themes of contingent coordination, and applies those themes to the Deepwater Horizon incident response. We find that contingent coordination holds promise as a means to address transient, complex problems.  相似文献   

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