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Recent studies of the career diplomat and distinguished historian George F. Kennan, and particularly a little noted intellectual
biography by Lee Congdon, reveal a side of this figure that has often been neglected. Despite his reputation as a critic of
the Cold War, Kennan was in fact a strong anti-Communist and profoundly conservative thinker. His conventional defenders have
stressed his displeasure with vocal anti-Communism in order to create an image of him that is consistent with their left-of-center
politics. This has come at the expense of playing down unfashionable opinions that Kennan expressed on a wide range of issues.
Many of his opinions, which he viewed as eminently “realistic,” would have been unacceptable to his mainstream admirers even
fifty years ago, were it not for his stands on the Cold War and for certain isolated statements drawn from his post-World
War Two speeches mentioning racial inequality and industrial waste. What is now being published on Kennan’s life, however,
provides a more balanced picture. Congdon and John Lukacs have both offered this necessary corrective to earlier views about
their subject in recent biographical studies. These and other commentators are now highlighting the anti-modernist perspective
from which he viewed and criticized the twentieth century. 相似文献
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President Bush approved 64 preemption acts during 20012005.Fifteen acts were responses to the September 11, 2001, terroristattacks, and five acts extended sunset provisions. The otheracts removed specified powers from states in the fields of banking,commerce, energy, environmental protection, finance, foreigncommerce, health, intellectual property, safety, taxation, telecommunications,and transportation. Only the two Internet taxation prohibitionacts have a major impact on state governments by depriving themof billions of dollars in tax revenues that could be used toexercise their reserved powers. The other acts are minor oneson the periphery of state exercised powers compared to lawsenacted in the period 19641999. 相似文献
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Helmut Norpoth 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2005,46(1):3-13
Ohne Zusammenfassung
„A date which will live in infamy.“ (Franklin D. Roosevelt über den 7. Dezember 1941)
„The Pearl Harbor of the 21
st
century took place today.“ (George W. Bush am 11. September 2001)
Für Anregungen bin ich Thomas Gschwend, Max Kaase, Albert-Leo Norpoth und Altfrid Norpoth dankbar. 相似文献
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Brendon O'Connor 《Political Studies Review》2005,3(2):163-174
Many people seem to see George W. Bush as little more than a caricature. While I acknowledge that Bush's electoral success is quite confounding, I argue that a more nuanced and deeper understanding of Bush is required to account for this success and to better comprehend how he makes political decisions. To go beyond the cartoon caricature, I examine the biographies on Bush to explore three key elements of his background and character: Bush's relationship with his father; his personal faith; and his development of a Texan persona. Unfortunately this analysis can only be taken so far given that much of the biographical literature is excessively partisan and poorly researched. Thus I conclude by calling for more serious scholarly investigation into Bush's personal history and political record. 相似文献
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Paul Buhle 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2013,24(1):147-151
Andrew McLaughlin: Regarding Nature: Industrialism and Deep Ecology .Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1993 Raymond A. Rogers: Nature and the Crisis of Modernity: A Critique of Contemporary Discourse on Managing the Earth .Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1994. Mark Dowie: Losing Ground: American Environmentalism at the Close of the Twentieth Century .Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995. Luke Martell: Ecology and Society: An Introduction .London: Polity Press, 1995. 相似文献
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James P. Pfiffner 《Public administration review》2007,67(1):6-20
President Bush was praised early in his first term as a tough-minded decision maker who knows how to get things done. This essay argues that President Bush possesses formidable political skills that have helped him achieve many of his policy goals, focusing on his most important national security policies: the war in Iraq, the war on terrorism and the treatment of detainees, the use of intelligence leading up to the war, and the reorganization of the executive branch. In the end, however, President Bush's deficiencies as a public administrator have undermined his policy successes. 相似文献
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George W. Bush's presidency presents two major puzzles. TheRepublican Party has traditionally stood for "limited government,"but Bush's principal legacy for federalism is centralizationof power in the federal government and the executive branch.Most modern presidents have neglected their partisan duties,but Bush has been a uniquely vigorous party leader. Here, weshow that Bush's puzzling lack of attention to federalism issuesis in large part the result of his efforts to strengthen theRepublican Party to cope with the political and electoral challengescharacteristic of the contemporary political context. We explainwhy the Bush administration's strategy for redressing the Republicanparty's shortcomings has presupposed the deprecation of federalism,and consider the implications of our argument for the developmentof federal arrangements. 相似文献
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