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1.
When dealing with terrorism as a threat to liberal democracy, it is a common assumption that it is the terrorists — who by definition refuse the rules of the liberal democratic "game"— who pose the greatest threat to the underlying principles and freedoms that are enshrined in this form of political life. However, in instances where the state fails to ensure that its response to terrorism is limited, well-defined and controlled, it is likely that institutionalised counter-terrorist policies will pose an even greater threat to the political and civil traditions that are central to the liberal democratic way of life. This paper demonstrates the potential danger by examining three cases when counter-terrorist policies initiated by (supposedly) liberal democratic entities came dangerously close to transplanting subversive terror from "below" with institutionalised, bureaucratised terror from "above": the "strategy of tension" initiated in Italy between 1969 and 1974; the Spanish "dirty war" against ETA between 1983 and 1987; and the abandonment of democratic rule in Peru between 1992 and 1996. The paper concludes that ultimately the effectiveness of the liberal democratic state's response to terrorism depends on its acceptability. It is therefore paramount that any solution which is initiated is made with due regard to the long term impact that it will have on the wider process of liberal democratic life.  相似文献   

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巴厘爆炸事件和印尼政府对恐怖主义的反应   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:2  
如你们所知,2002年10月12日印尼巴厘发生炸弹爆炸悲剧,2002年10月8日一艘法国超级油轮在也门近海岸爆炸,2001年9月11日纽约世界贸易中心遭受袭击,这些事件引起了足以让世人关注的新动态.  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(2):329-338
In the 1840s Sarantis Archigenes, an Ottoman Greek citizen, wrote a book on political economy called Tasarrufat-? Mülkiye. The book contained both political-economic knowledge and developmentalist policy recommendations for the Ottoman Empire. The emphasis given to human capital, trade and transportation, industrialization and property relations is noteworthy. Since it did not reach large numbers of people, the importance of Tasarrufat-? Mülkiye has not been appreciated. The goal of this article is to provide an account of Archigenes' views on political economy as presented in his long-neglected book. Had the policy makers in the Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century taken Archigenes' views seriously, a sound development strategy could have been formed.  相似文献   

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This paper highlights the methodological difficulties of ascribing causation to events which are to some extent "irrational" and demanding of different forms of understanding — such as those provided in Romantic literature, or poetry, or art. It may be that the scientific urge to systematise diverts analytical attention from debates over values, and from existential complexities in the connections between (say) poverty and violent acts of (imagined) retribution. Official language also proffers distorting metaphors, sanitises facts and impedes the possibility of combating terrorism. "Non-analytical methods" may be essential to analysis.  相似文献   

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本文分析了当代恐怖主义国际化、实体化和高智能化等特点,探讨了恐怖分子把美国作为主要攻击对象的原因,阐述了九一一事件对美国内政外交及国际局势产生的深刻影响.  相似文献   

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打击恐怖主义:菲律宾的经验   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
引言 新世纪的到来向人类昭示了巨大的希望和期待.尽管20世纪记载了为数众多的战争,既有世界的也有地区的,人们仍然期望21世纪的莅临将引领人类进入一个和平与繁荣的新时代.毕竟,我们应该从父辈的经验教训中得到教益.  相似文献   

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试论恐怖主义与反恐怖主义   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
恐怖主义有各种类型,当代恐怖主义发展具有七大特点.恐怖主义是当代国际社会的恶性肿瘤,非动大手术不可.反恐斗争极为艰巨复杂,在反恐斗争中,应注意目标准确、不伤及无辜等问题.  相似文献   

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The shift left in Latin American politics has revealed critical weaknesses within the dominant structural, state‐ and society‐based explanations concerning the politics of development in the region. This article argues that while elements of each remain relevant, there is a strong case for adopting a ‘relational’ frame of analysis that can capture the specific ways in which the Left came to power, and the unfolding implications for democracy and development. This relational approach focuses on how the new social and political economy basis of the new ruling coalitions and alternative geopolitical alliances shape politics and the prospects for development in the region.  相似文献   

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本文分成三个部分,分别阐述以"9·11事件"为例的国际恐怖主义对纽约、美国以至世界经济所带来的重大损失和深刻影响,并透过这个分析,认识国际恐怖主义的危害性和反恐斗争的必要性.  相似文献   

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虽然国际恐怖主义如过街老鼠人人喊打,但国际社会并不因此而太平.纵观当今世界,恐怖事件仍然此起彼伏,且有愈演愈烈的趋势.借助互联网络的普及运用,国际恐怖势力不断整合重组,发展蔓延.他们利用网络大肆宣传极端思想,募集活动资金,吸收组织成员,教授恐怖技术,制造社会恐慌.其行踪越来越隐蔽,手段越来越高明,影响越来越大,严重危及世界的和平与发展.世界各国应携手合作,共同应对恐怖主义的威胁.  相似文献   

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Being a tiny, easily managed polity run by Western-educated technocrats, Singapore is an ideal laboratory for those who believe that there is a “logical” answer to the problem of health-care funding in economically advanced societies. Certainly the ruling elite in this not-very-democratic country is convinced that Singapore is the epitome of a rational, technocratic state in which rule is based on supposedly impartial, objective criteria. The government's achievements in the delivery of health care are at the forefront of its showcase of technocratic achievements. This article uses the Singapore government's innovations in health-care funding as a case study to explore and test the limitations of trying to apply purist technocratic premises and methodologies to governance. The limitations it uncovers raise the question of whether a technocratic approach to governance can ever deliver the promised results and suggests that the attraction of “technocracy” is a chimera.  相似文献   

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尽管“9·11”事件已经过去半年多了 ,但它给国际政治经济所带来的震荡却是深远的 ,甚至还会引发国际战略格局出现新的调整。所以 ,在国际法的框架内去分析和研究国际反恐合作 ,其重要意义是不言而喻的。为此 ,本文围绕联合国在组织协调国际反恐合作的过程和受袭后的美国目前在反恐方面的做法 ,以及反恐理论中出现的分歧 ,作了一些初步的探讨和分析。  相似文献   

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由中国国际关系学会与国际关系学院举办的“当前国际重大问题研讨会”于 2 0 0 1年 10月 2 7日至 2 9日在国际关系学院学术交流中心举行。这是一个高层次的学术研讨会 ,国内一批著名的国际问题专家出席会议 ,我所陈乔之教授也应邀与会 ,并和他的博士生田炳信一起提交了一篇题为《试论恐怖主义与反恐怖主义》的论文。为开好这次研讨会 ,会议的举办者作了大量的准备工作和精心的安排。会议第一天是主题报告会 ,第二天进行分组讨论 ,第三天开展大会交流。中国现代国际关系研究所所长陆忠伟、国务院外事办公室原副主任夏道生、外交部前美大司司…  相似文献   

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论和平解决克什米尔问题的途径   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
五十多年来 ,克什米尔一直是亚洲一触即发的热点。这一争端不仅给印巴两国带来了严重的后果 ,而且对亚洲和世界和平也构成了重大的威胁 ,国际社会对此高度关注和忧虑。尽管解决克什米尔问题的难度很大 ,但只要印巴双方能调整政策 ,以创造性思维进行思考和探索 ,认真总结五十多年来的经验和教训 ,既照顾过去的历史和背景 ,又照顾目前的实际情况 ,在解决问题的具体步骤上先易后难 ,问题是可以逐步解决的。作者就此提出了八点建议 ,供学术界研究时参考。  相似文献   

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This paper explores the attitude of contemporary terrorism towards civil society, the intermediate realm between the family and the state that accommodates the free play of economic and cultural forces and individual and group interests. Terrorism now targets not only people and institutions that operate within civil society but civil society itself, i.e., terrorism increasingly targets the very possibility of an autonomous realm of everyday life. This tendency is found in the Islamism of Al‐Qaeda, but also in any group that adheres to the “Augustinian paradigm” of civil society that arose in the West and dominates radical ideologies. An exploration of this situation illuminates both the nature and tactics of contemporary terrorism and the role of civil society itself.  相似文献   

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