The Mobilisation of the Intellectuals 1914–1915 and the Continuity of German Historical Consciousness

There is renewed historical interest in the role played by intellectuals in all belligerent countries in the period leading up to and during the First World War. Whereas prior to the war scholars from all countries engaged in civilised scientific discourse, immediately after the outbreak of war they appeared to re–discover their own fatherlands and became passionately patriotic, placing their expertise at the service of their respective countries for the prosecution of the war. On closer scrutiny, however, the case of the German intellectual elite appears significantly different from their counterparts in other belligerent countries. They perceived themselves, more than, say, the British academic community, and certainly earlier than these, as virtual prophets called to justify their nation's war policies. This paper investigates the perceptions of German intellectuals, their explanation for the war and their various war–aims programs. It is suggested that the intellectuals/academics contributed in no small way to the formation of German political will.     

菲美安全合作及其对中国安全环境的影响分析

菲律宾是第一个表示支持美国反恐斗争的亚洲国家,反恐战争使双方之间的安全合作关系迅速升温,用美国总统布什的话说,美菲在反恐战争中已经是"军事同盟".本文分析了菲美安全合作关系迅速升温的原因、影响,并针对菲美安全合作对中国安全环境的影响提出了一些政策建议.     

客观性的探索与主体性的确立——“日本的哲学”课题

真正的"哲学",应该说并不是在一个背离"生命"的、抽象思辨的过程中被捏造出来的学问。倒不如说,它的本质就在于我们的"存在经验的精炼化"。日本一直以来都是站在具体事象的立场,以自身的存在经验所凝练出来的精神活动为核心,由此来展开自身的学术研究。"日本的哲学"这一研究本身应该说带有了双重内涵:第一,应该是一个学术探索,即如今要站在"哲学的"基础上来认真地、客观地重新探索日本人的"人生观.世界观"的历史传承;第二,应该说是一个哲学研究,即不局限于第一个立场,而是要在"现代"这一科学技术极度发达、文明冲突与异文化摩擦频繁发生、充满了冲突与争执的全球化人类社会之中,我们日本人面对世界必须形成一种主体性的自觉,必须提出并树立起一种新的"哲学性"的"人生观·世界观"。     

后冷战时代的失败国家课题

失败国家是后冷战时代世界政治中的一个突出课题 ,它对内造成了严重的人道主义灾难 ,对外则是世界和平与地区安全的重大隐患。本文对失败国家的内涵、研究价值、指向性特征、形成原因、相关的国际干预机制等等进行了初步的探讨。     

“9·11”后美国在东南亚的反恐活动

"9·11"后,美国将注意力集中到东南亚,将之视为反恐战争的"第二战线".在东南亚的反恐活动中,美国着重于打击海上恐怖主义袭击,在与东南亚国家加强反恐合作的同时,也对东南亚几个国家提供了军事援助和联合进行反恐军事演习.     

Introductory essay to symposium on modes of production and social formations in Asian Societies

Abstract

The Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars and the Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars have always attempted to provide alternatives to “established” scholarship in the Asian studies field. When CCAS came into existence in the mid-1960s, the main task was to formulate a critique of the cold war inspired scholarship of the 1950s, and to attempt to counteract the prevailing views concerning the communist countries and national liberation movements of Asia. This in turn led to an analysis of the structure of academic inquiry and academic funding in the United States, and to a realization of the political character of the “apolitical” stance of the Asian studies academic establishment.     

The establishment of South Korean-Chinese diplomatic relations: A South Korean perspective

This article examines the process leading to establishment of the diplomatic relationship between South Korea and China in 1992. For that purpose, the article reviews first the Northern Policy of the Sixth Republic of Korea, whose major aim was to improve South Korea’s relations with the then socialist and communist countries, including the Soviet Union. Next the focus moves to the secret negotiations between South Korea and China. One of the major arguments of the article is that the expansion of commercial and trade relations between South Korea and China plus the end of the cold war contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relationships between the two neighbors.     

The Arab Military Force in Palestine Prior to the Invasion of the Arab Armies, 1945–1948

The article examines the size, structure, composition and modi operandi of the Arab military forces which fought the Jews in the 1948 war, before the invasion of the Arab regular armies, based first and foremost on the Arab sources themselves. An attempt is made to assess the substantial reasons behind the Arab defeat in the first ‘civil war’ phase of the campaign, including a comparison of the number of combatants, which also explains the outcome.     

Awkward Talisman: War Memory,Reconciliation and Yasukuni

Yasukuni Shrine resonates with talismanic symbolism for both its critics and proponents and that is precisely why it is so controversial within Japan and between Japan and its neighbors. Controversy over Yasukuni is rooted in the broader historical debate about war memory, responsibility, and reconciliation. Competing narratives about this past send mixed signals to neighbors and prevent reconciliation. Despite Prime Minister Koizumi’s six visits, Yasukuni is an awkward talisman and many Japanese, including conservatives, oppose these visits. The Shrine’s image has been cast and no amount of artful repackaging will obscure its indelible links with Japan’s discredited Imperial ideology and the costs it exacted. The Yasukuni dilemma involves shifting the focal point of official war remembrance away from the Shrine to a secular war memorial where people and officials can pay respect to the war dead free from political agendas and historical baggage.

Why Abyei Matters: The Breaking Point of Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement?

The Abyei Area, straddling the North–South border of Sudan,was the subject of a separate protocol in the ComprehensivePeace Agreement signed between the Sudan government and theSudan People's Liberation Movement in January 2005. One provisionof that protocol was the establishment of a boundaries commissionto define the territory to be included in the special administrationof the area. The commission's decision was to be implemented‘with immediate effect’ on the submission of itsreport in July 2005, but implementation has been blocked bythe National Congress Party, which still controls the centralgovernment in Sudan. The conduct of war in Abyei establishedmany precedents for the conduct of war in Darfur in the useof tribal militias and the forcible displacement of non-Arabpeoples. The failure to implement the Abyei Protocol has implicationsnot only for determining the North–South border (as stipulatedby the CPA), but for the implementation of any Darfur peaceagreement. Douglas H. Johnson (douglas{at}wendoug.free-online.co.uk) was aresource person at the first session of negotiations on theThree Areas at Karen, Kenya, in January 2003 and subsequentlyserved as an international expert on the Abyei Boundaries Commission.He has recently advised the Government of South Sudan on theNorth–South boundary issue.     

Citizenship,Rights and Emergency Powers in Second World War Australia

In times of war or the threat of war there is a heightened tension between individual rights on the one hand and public safety and the protection of the community on the other. This situation is again facing the democracies at the present time. One aspect of the way tension between these two principles affected the citizenship status and civil rights of certain individuals in Second World War Australia is examined in this article. It focuses on Australian citizens who were deprived of their liberty and interned without trial, for periods varying from a few months to a number of years. In seeking explanations for the denial of one of the basic civil rights of a section of the Australian community, this article examines some formal constructions of nationality, and considers the implications of these constructions for citizenship and civil rights in wartime Australia. ¹ 1 Part of this paper was presented as a work‐in‐progress for the Cultural Citizenship: Challenges of Globalisation Conference at Deakin University, Melbourne, 5‐8 December, 2002. Proceedings, pp. 132‐139.
     

Power,Politics, and Primitivism: West Papua's Struggle for Self-Determination

The Bush administration answered the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, with what it called the “global war on terror,” first the assault on and invasion of Afghanistan and then the invasion and occupation of Iraq. More and more Americans joined the opposition to the Iraq war, but for some, Afghanistan remained “the good war.” But was the war on Afghanistan ever a “good war”? The authors of Ending the US War in Afghanistan (Olive Branch Press, 2010) address these and other frequently raised questions in an easy-to-read style. The chapter reproduced here, “The War in Afghanistan Goes Global,” is one of six chapters in the pocket-sized book. Other chapters are “The USWar in Afghanistan,” “The US Invasion of Afghanistan,” “The US and Other Players in Afghanistan,” “The Impact of theWar,” and “Ending the War.”     

The Vicious Cycle of Building and Destroying: the 2014 War on Gaza

The 2014 summer war on Gaza was the third in the last six years and in many ways the most devastating one. While the triggers to this war were the kidnapping and killing of the three Israeli teenagers and the subsequent kidnapping and burning alive of a Palestinian teenager, the real reasons can be traced back to the international community's failed and myopic policies towards Gaza. Moreover, by adopting the ‘West Bank first’ strategy the international community has failed to blow some fresh air into what is left of the so-called Middle East Peace Process and has acted as the abettor of the recent war.     

二战后日本的地域史研究

二战后,日本史学界以国内某行政区或某历史区域为对象的地域史研究取得了丰硕成果。战后初期,出于根除皇国史观等的影响及修正历史教育的需要,学界开始推动地域史研究。地方史研究协议会的成立为相关研究者、研究机构间的协作提供了平台。战后初期的地方史研究对战前乡土史进行了批判,并以唯物史观为基本理论框架,侧重社会经济史研究。1970年前后,日本地域史研究得到飞速发展。各地的地方史研究会相继成立;地方史料的发掘、保存、公开活动取得巨大成果;研究方法、理论的探讨亦形成一定体系。20世纪80年代末以来,地域史研究在目的、方法、视角上有诸多转变,逐渐摆脱附属于整体史的地位而走向自立。二战后日本地域史研究成果数量庞大、类型多样,但也存在不少问题,如资料收集和研究的片面性、研究成果良莠不齐等。     

《雅尔塔秘密协定》背后的中、美、苏关系透析(Ⅱ)

1944年中国正面抗日战场的溃败造成美国太平洋战略的调整和中美关系的恶化,由此大大限制了蒋介石对苏联在未来中国的重要影响的应有认识和与之进行适当外交,导致损害中国主权的《雅尔塔秘密协定》的产生。之后,中国的外交重点依然锁定美国,极力“邀请”美国政府介入中苏关系并影响未来的中苏谈判。然而,出于对苏联追求东亚利益的实力与决心、对苏联参加太平洋战争的需要以及对自身缺乏足够抗衡苏联手段和资源等方面的权衡,美国政府没有接受中国的外交“邀请”,反而协同苏联政府迫使中国直接派团前往莫斯科完成中苏谈判。但中国政府的外交并非没有对美国产生影响,实际上,部分由于中国持续“邀美抗苏”的努力,最终促成了紧随其后在中苏谈判以及未来东北等问题上美国政府公开出面支持中国反对苏联,成为中国内战和东亚冷战爆发的一个起源。     

Afghanistan: demographic consequences of war, 1978-1987

"In this paper, I attempt to analyse the effects of war on the size and age-sex structure of the Afghan population, and to estimate the size of the Afghan population in Afghanistan by age and sex for the years 1978-1987. In doing so, I try to estimate the number of persons killed during the war and examine the validity of the available estimates." The analysis is based on data from the 1979 census, a 1987 survey, and other sources.     

《雅尔塔秘密协定》背后的中、美、苏关系透析(Ⅰ)

1944年中国正面抗日战场的溃败造成美国太平洋战略的调整和中美关系的恶化,由此大大限制了蒋介石对苏联在未来中国的重要影响的应有认识和与之进行适当外交,导致损害中国主权的《雅尔塔秘密协定》的产生。之后,中国的外交重点依然锁定美国,极力“邀请”美国政府介入中苏关系并影响未来的中苏谈判。然而,出于对苏联追求东亚利益的实力与决心、对苏联参加太平洋战争的需要以及对自身缺乏足够抗衡苏联手段和资源等方面的权衡,美国政府没有接受中国的外交“邀请”,反而协同苏联政府迫使中国直接派团前往莫斯科完成中苏谈判。但中国政府的外交并非没有对美国产生影响,实际上,部分由于中国持续“邀美抗苏”的努力,最终促成了紧随其后在中苏谈判以及未来东北等问题上美国政府公开出面支持中国反对苏联,成为中国内战和东亚冷战爆发的一个起源。     

John Treloar,Official War Art and the Australian War Memorial*

John Treloar's involvement in the Australian War Memorial began in 1917, and he was Director from 1920 until his death in 1952. The idea of a national war memorial serving also as a museum, gallery and library was not his: the credit for that goes to Charles Bean. But there would have been no museum, gallery or library without Treloar's organisational ability and collecting genius. Treloar was responsible at first for collecting a documentary record, but later as the vision expanded, he began to acquire many other kinds of material, including art. It was an unusual challenge for a soldier, public servant, and man who scrupulously distanced his emotions from his work. This article examines aspects of Australia's official and commissioned war art and teases out the relationship between the bureaucrat and the artist. I suggest that the administrative effort involved in the war art schemes has to be recognised as part of the process of cultural production, and that in these circumstances the life of the bureaucrat is as worthy of exploration as that of the artist.     

The Syrian conflict and public opinion among Syrians in Lebanon

Whom do ordinary Syrians support in their civil war? After decades of repression, the Syrian uprising unleashed an outpouring of political expression. Yet the study of Syrian public opinion is in its infancy. This article presents survey evidence from a large, diverse sample of Syrian refugees in neighbouring Lebanon, one of the first of its kind, and examines their support for the different factions fighting in the civil war. In so doing, it demonstrates that many conventional narratives of the conflict are oversimplifications of a more complex reality. The survey shows that the majority of Syrian refugees support one faction or another of the opposition, but a large minority sympathizes with the government. In line with existing accounts of the war, the government draws its popular support base from wealthier and less religious Syrians, as well as minorities. Nonetheless, large numbers of Sunni Arabs also side with the government, belying sectarian narratives of the war. The survey also finds that supporters of the opposition Islamists and non-Islamists are similar in many regards, including religiosity. The main distinction is that the non-Islamist support base is far more politically attentive than are Islamist sympathizers, in contrast to existing narratives of the war.     

Post‐War Reconstruction and the New World Order: The Origins Of Gough Whitlam's Democratic Citizen*

Gough Whitlam's father was one of Australia's most significant public servants. Deputy Crown Solicitor and Crown Solicitor at a time of great constitutional and international change, Frederick Whitlam maintained an unusually advanced perspective on the use of international instruments to protect rights and to expand powers of nationhood. Gough Whitlam's war‐time experiences in the Air Force, in particular during the referendum campaign to expand Commonwealth Powers to aid post‐war reconstruction, cemented these aspects as central to his developing notions of democratic citizenship. In his 1973 Sir Robert Garran Memorial lecture, fourteen years after his father had delivered the inaugural oration, Gough Whitlam acknowledged the influence of his father as a “great public servant” committed to public service and the developing institutions of internationalism: “I am Australia's first Prime Minister with that particular background”. This paper explores “that particular background”. I have never wavered from my fundamental belief that until the national government became involved in great matters like schools and cities, this nation would never fulfil its real capabilities. ¹ 1 E.G. Whitlam, Sir Robert Garran Memorial Oration, “Australian Public Administration under a Labor Government”, Royal Australian Institute of Public Administration, 12 November 1973, < http://www.whitlam.org/collection/1973/ > accessed 31 October 2006.