Extremity in Congress: Communications versus Votes

I propose a theory of legislator‐to‐constituent communication that describes a relationship between the types of votes a legislator reveals and the partisan composition of her constituency. To test this theory, I use an original data set of 40,000 official communications containing 30,000 vote revelations from the 111th Congress. I find evidence substantiating this theory; the extent to which a legislator endeavors to appear more ideologically extreme in communications varies systematically with the relative amounts of different types of voters in her district. This result is contrasted with an analysis of voting extremism where I find that the ideological preferences of donors better explain voting patterns.     

Votes and Outcomes: Rethinking the Politics-Like-Markets Metaphor

Legislative and political bodies seldom work like markets. This paper revisits the politics-like-market analogies considering the role of logrolling in political representation. These considerations will hopefully facilitate the assessment of the normative implications of the commodification of political consensus. While certainly corroding some of the aspirational and expressive qualities of the political system, logrolling would ensure a greater opportunity for cardinal preferences to be captured in political decision-making.     

MPs and their e-Newsletters: Winning Votes by Promoting Constituency Service

Commentators are divided on the electoral effect of constituency service, whether it provides unfair advantage or has limited electoral impact. The arrival of the Internet has added to this debate. This research note considers how pioneering MPs are using e-newsletters effectively to communicate their constituency service. A web-hosted survey of subscribers to two MPs' e-newsletters, with over 1,100 respondents, was conducted. The data suggest that receiving an MP's e-newsletter did have an effect on subscribers' voting behaviour at the 2005 General Election. Rather than something to fear, this vote-winning capacity of an e-newsletter may actually encourage MPs to have more dialogue between MPs and constituents.     

Corruption and local politics in Chile

This paper argues that the greater openness of Chilean politics to public scrutiny and the penetration of the locality by the market have made corruption a more visible phenomenon. Presenting empirical evidence collected for nearly fifty cases of allegations of municipal corruption, the paper explores the content, actors, directionality, levels of corruption and the links existing with the local political environment: partisan composition of councils, political affiliation of mayors and sources denouncing corruption. The conclusions suggest that although many accusations of corruption may correspond to particularistic claims comprehended in Chile's traditional system of political clientelism, a significant difference with the past is the inclusion of private business as a new component of an old network of political clientelism.This is a revised version of an exploratory paper delivered at the International Seminar El Estado y la prevención de la corrupción organized by the Institute of Political Science. The Catholic University of Chile with the support of the Presidential Commission on Public Ethics, held in Santiago de Chile, July 4–5, 1994. The opinions, findings and conclusions herewith included are the author's own responsibility and do not represent the official standing of any of the above mentioned institutions.     

Seats, Votes, and Gerrymandering: Estimating Representation and Bias in State Legislative Redistricting

The Davis V. Bandemer case focused much attention on the problem of using statistical evidence to demonstrate the existence of political gerrymandering. In this paper, we evaluate the uses and limitations of measures of the seat-votes relationship in the Bandemer case. We outline a statistical method we have developed that can be used to estimate bias and the form of representation in legislative redistricting. We apply this method to Indiana state House and Senate elections for the period 1972 to 1984 and demonstrate a maximum bias of 6.2% toward the Republicans in the House and a 2.8% bias in the Senate.     

The Economic Cost of Crime in Chile

This study estimates that the economic cost of crime in Chile, using the accountancy method, is $1.35 billion as at 2002; that is, this cost is equivalent to 2.06% of Chile's GDP. Crimes included in the estimation are murder, robbery, larceny–theft, burglary, wounding, rape and sexual assaults, domestic violence and economic felonies such as fraud, forgery and so on. Consequential costs are the most important, representing 68% of the total cost of crime. Government spending represents 23% of the total and anticipatory cost account for the remaining 9%. Chile presents higher level of crime than most developed countries—though less than most developing nations—but government's spending on citizen's security is considerably lower than that of the US and several other European countries.     

Constituent Moment,Constituted Powers in Chile

Law and Critique - This article discusses the concept of constituent power and its application to the situation in Chile after the 18th October 2019. In particular, it discusses the relation...     

Dictatorship,democracy and corruption in Chile

The study of corruption in Chile suffers from the lack of a pre-existing body of academic research on which to draw for historical or contemporary analysis. This situation may be partially explained by several factors. Firstly, academic research tends to be reactive rather than proactive, in the sense that issues rarely become researched until they are either topical, or perceived to be problematic and significant. The configuration of historical circumstances in Chile has meant that corruption has been perceived to be considerably less widespread and less overt than in other parts of Latin America. For reasons which will be examined below, Chile is quite clearly not in the same league as Brazil, México or Venezuela in terms of corruption in the political system, and therefore the body of existing research has tended to focus on those cases where corruption is evident and more easily observable. Secondly, the lack of research material may also be partially explained by the nature of corruption in Chile. It undoubtably exists, but it has been characteristically low-key, assuming its own particular characteristics which have become known as corrupción a la chilena. Low-intensity corruption is undoubtedly more difficult to categorise, define and measure in comparison with flagrant abuses by individuals, sectors of society or ruling parties, and this may also be a contributory factor. A third factor may be that such low-intensity activities may become such an integral part of the political culture that they become accepted ways of the business of politics and therefore fail to even raise objections from public opinion. Only when the political environment changes do these issues become perceived as unacceptable. However, what is beyond dispute is that corruption has and does exist in Chile but it is influenced by the political culture of a particular period and by the political and social context.     

Injuries due to deliberate violence in Chile

An analysis was made over a period of 6 months of the incidents involving deliberate violence as registered in 'Vicaria', the clinic for out-patients within the Cathedral of Santiago de Chile. A total of 236 victims of deliberate violence were observed. Men aged 15-24 years were found to be victims of deliberate violence most frequently. 'Under education' was the most frequently registered occupation for both sexes, and a large group of male victims were 'Unemployed'. 82% of the victims were men and 14% women, 1.5% were boys and 1.5% girls less than or equal to 14 years of age. None of the victims were alcohol intoxicated when arriving in the clinic. The incidents took place in streets for 81% of the male victims and 79% of the female victims, and in the majority of the cases the aggressor(s) was one (or several) police officer(s). Six percent of the female victims had been injured at home. There was no reporting of the aggressor being a relative or acquaintance. The most frequent type of violence was blunt violence from baton(s) (44%), while blunt violence without the use of instruments was reported less frequently (33%). The use of firearms was registered in 18% of the cases, and of sharp instruments, combustion, electro-shock and chain in 1.4%, 1.4%, 1.1% and 0.4% of the cases respectively. A total of 517 primary and secondary diagnoses were applied to the patients. Most of the victims (99%) had moderate or less serious lesions according to the Abbreviated Injury Scale (AIS) (score less than or equal to 2). Twenty-four percent of the victims had more than 4 lesions, and 7% more than 10 lesions. The head/neck region and the trunk were affected with equal frequency, the frequency of injuries of the head/neck region being comparable with that observed among torture victims and in contrast to the pronounced predominance of injuries of the head/neck region observed in a Danish emergency ward study of deliberate violence.     

Bicameralism and Minority-Party Influence on Legislative Development: Evidence from House Standing Committee Votes

The ability of the minority party to influence legislation in Congress is debated. Most bills are passed with large bipartisan majorities, yet the House, where most legislation is developed, is seen as a majority-party-dominated institution. I develop a theory of House minority-party influence at the committee markup stage as a result of the Senate’s institutional rules. An original data set of congressional committee votes shows that minority-party support in House committees predicts House and Senate passage. During unified party control of the chambers, an increase in Senate majority-party seats results in lower minority-party support for the legislation in the House committee, while during divided party control of Congress, the House majority passes more extreme bills as the chambers polarize. Even in the majority-party-dominated House, the minority’s preferences are incorporated into legislation, and the Senate’s institutional rules moderate bills to a significant degree.     

论我国司法信任的养成

司法信任是人们基于相信司法机关能够公正、高效处理案件,维护社会公平正义的心理预期,依照法律规则的指引积极利用和参与司法,并对法官、司法程序、司法裁判及司法制度表示充分的认同与遵从。司法信任的有无与多寡将决定公正、高效、权威司法制度建设的兴衰成败。从社会学的角度看,社会转型对原有信任环境及信任基础的破坏、司法亲和力的下降、职业法官专家系统尚未建立、对司法有限性的认识不足、对司法程序的参与度不够,是我国司法信任缺失的主要原因。要增进我国的司法信任,最终建立高度的司法信任,必须坚持增进司法信任与促进公正、高效、权威相统一,推动人格信任向系统信任延伸,促进交往信任向普遍信任拓展,激励依存性信任向主体性信任转化。     

Candidates,Votes, Outcomes: A Method for Evaluating Nomination Strategies in MMD/SNTV Electoral Systems

While characterized by disagreement, all scholarly work on multimember district electoral systems in which each voter casts a single, nontransferable vote (MMD/SNTV) is alike in one way: it evaluates party nominations under the assumption that votes are invariant under alternative strategies. But party votes may, in fact, vary with different nomination strategies. Moreover, depending on how much party votes vary under alternative nomination strategies, a method that considers such changes may evaluate nominations differently than previous studies in the literature have. In this article, I address party‐vote variance, proposing a method that estimates how much a party's obtained votes change under alternative nomination strategies and using this method to reevaluate the nominating behavior of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party.     

HMO promotion and the privatization of health care in Chile

Since 1973 the Chilean junta has privatized sectors of the national economy. This paper analyzes the country's policy process of promoting private medical programs through HMO-like plans (ISAPREs, or Institutes of Provisional Health). These plans have captured less than half of their originally anticipated market share. It is argued that the future performance of ISAPREs will be undermined by their limited maternal benefits, their targeting to a small upper-income group which cannot sustain many private medical programs, and competition with less expensive yet equally competent public medical programs. The paper briefly compares privatization in Chile with the experiences of other countries, and specifically contrasts the restructuring of health services under military rule in Chile with those of Argentina and Uruguay. The paper concludes that the Chilean experience with HMOs epitomizes the perils of planning health care during short-term periods of economic prosperity as well as failing to consult medical care providers and consumers.     

智利刑事司法体制改革的最新发展

智利刑事司法体制自上世纪80年代进行改革——由纠问式体制改为控辩制。本文对其改革过程、内容进行了简要介绍,以期对目前拉丁美洲有关国家的司法体制的变革有所了解并予以借鉴。     

在语境中培养学生创造性的语言交际能力

要在语境中培养学生创造性的语言交际能力教师应从三个方面着手.加强语言知识教学,在语境中培养学生创造性的语言能力;加强说能训练,在语境中培养学生创造性的社会语言能力;加强写作训练,创设语境培养学生创造性的话语能力.