村庄政治与中国政治发展

对建国以来中国政治发展的评价存在不同的见解,根本原因是未充分注意到村庄政治发展在中国政治发展格局中的基础性地位。村庄政治发展的基础性地位是由中国与西方政治发展的差异决定的。当前,村庄政治发展面临传统和现代双重挑战、资源和制度双重缺位、理论和经验双重失效等多方面的困境。     

政治发展中的政治智慧——政治设计的几个中国场景

在历史发展中，有一种重要的社会现象，就是人类对社会发展乃至历史进程表现出一种参与意识和历史主动精神，追求正义、合理、秩序和合乎人性要求，借助于已有的历史经验和政治传统，以某种理想的政治目标为依归，以政治构想、政治方案、社会蓝图的种种方式对社会发展进行理性筹划和安排，而这种政治行为方式的实践与理论，在积极意义上同时也在消极意义上不同程度地干预了社会历史的发展。     

网络政治与中国政治发展

作为一种崭新的政治发展形态,网络政治特殊而丰富的内涵决定了其独特而鲜明的特征。网络政治的兴起不仅深刻改变着中国社会的政治生态,而且直接影响了中国的政治发展。要推动我国政治的健康、有序作用,必须加强网络立法,培育参与型网络政治文化,加大电子政府制度创新,实施网络媒介素质教育。     

从政治稳定与政治发展的关系看政治体制改革

政治体制改革作为社会主义制度的自我发展与自我完善,近几年来,受到越来越多的关注。政治改革作为政治发展的主要途径,与政治稳定关系密切。从经济建设、现代化建设、政治制度化建设、政治稳定等方面为我国政治体制改革的顺利推进提出建议。     

儒家政治思想与我国政治发展的契合

当前我国所提出的一些政治发展战略无不或多或少地体现儒家政治主张。虽然,儒家思想中不乏一些糟粕,但不能因此全部否定儒家思想,尤其是在全球政治发展出现问题重重的时候,我们更应该仔细地研究我国儒家思想中一些关于治国治世的思想,从中发现与我国政治发展的契合之处,使其更好地为我国政治发展服务。     

政治进入壁垒与当代的中国政治发展

“壁垒”存在于社会生活的许多领域中。在政治生活中 ,存在“政治进入壁垒”和“政治退出壁垒”。政治进入壁垒有多种构成要素和不同类型。当代中国政治生活中也存在一些政治进入壁垒 ,其中包括一些积极的政治进入壁垒和消极的政治进入壁垒。为推动中国政治发展 ,应消除那些消极的政治进入壁垒 ,适当设置或抬高一些积极的政治进入壁垒     

政治设计与行政策划

无论是处于宏观层面的中央首脑机构还是处于中观层面的地方首脑机构，有无高水准的战略策划，公共执政和公共行政的绩效与面貌大不一样。良好的战略策划能延伸、凸现、形塑个性化领导风格，提高行政绩效，优质地实现战略预期，并辅佐领导者在公共舞台上表现得恰到好处、游刃有余。本文在“政治设计”的框架中，提出并厘定了“行政策划”的概念，分析了重点内容和相关技术。本文强调，行政策划有其系统性和内在逻辑性，有着“执经通权”、“奇正相生”的“超规则”智慧要求，有较强的特定技术和专业背景预期。     

低收入群体的政治心态与政治安定调研设计

从政治心理学角度入手集中研究低收入群体的政治心态与维护长期的政治安定问题,是一个极具应用价值的课题。该调研要完成的主要任务是:考察低收入群体的政治心态现状与政治安定状况,分析低收入群体政治心态的不同类型与政治安定的关系,研究影响低收入群体政治心态及政治安定的深层原因,预测低收入群体政治心态的变化趋向与政治安定前景,思考促进低收入群体政治心态的积极变化与维护长期的政治安定的对策。围绕着这一些研究取向,应进行科学的理论设计、实地调查设计和调查结果统计,并作出准确的结论。     

论现代政治秩序构建与中国政治发展的推进

政治秩序要求政治系统保持高度的稳定性.政治主体只有通过政治秩序的构建来保障发展的实现,当代中国政治发展过程中通过在社会主义政治制度完善和发展的基础上创新政治秩序的运转机制;加强公民社会建设实现政治体系全面有效运行;扩大公民有序政治参与实现权力与权利的有效运转等方面的措施是推进现代型政治秩序实现的有效路径.     

科学发展观与当代中国政治发展

树立和落实科学发展观,在新形势下具有重大的政治意义,也对当代中国政治发展提出了新要求。只有坚持“以人为本”,及时有效地解决人民群众最关心的现实问题,并通过提高选举质量来完善利益表达渠道,当代中国政治发展才能够有力推动科学发展观的贯彻和落实。作为一种世界观和方法论,科学发展观还为我们思考政治发展问题提供有益启示。     

Political parties and political shirking

Using ADA roll call voting scores for the 1947–2006 period, I find that senators shirk in their last term. The degree of shirking is limited by political parties, which constrain the politician in his last term, and varies by post-Senate career choices. The results highlight the importance of political parties in the repeated game that is electoral politics.     

政治技术与政治艺术

如果把政治生活中的政治现象分为政治观念现象、政治制度现象和政治实作现象,那么,政治技术和政治艺术属于政治实作现象的核心组成部分。政治技术和政治艺术是与政治实践活动结合最紧密,作用最独特的两种政治现象。政治技术是人们追求高效的政治结果的产物,而政治艺术则是人们政治审美活动的产物。两者都是人类创造的政治文明的具体成果,也是政治文明的重要载体和体现形式。当然,它们又以特殊方式推动着政治文明的进一步发展。政治技术和政治艺术之间既有本质区别,又有密切联系。     

Political science,political ideas and rhetoric

The article reviews ‘ideational’ analysis and theory in political science. It argues that this is an important area of research limited by lack of a clear sense of what ideas in politics are and of how to analyse them as directly as possible. It is argued that political science should learn from the ‘rhetorical turn’ in various areas of the social sciences, developing ways, appropriate to political science, of analysing the language, rhetoric and argumentation of political and policy discourse in its governmental contexts. Such an approach rests on a strong sense of the dynamic, contested and creative nature of political activity.     

Political fragmentation, fiscal deficits and political institutionalisation

One line of research finds the size of the deficit to be positively correlated with the number of political actors. This ‘political fragmentation’ hypothesis has been tested on OECD countries. We successfully replicate Volkerink and de Haan’s (Public Choice 109:221–242, 2001) model on an OECD sample. However, when we add ten non-OECD countries, the effect of political fragmentation disappears. We argue that the importance of political fragmentation varies according to the institutionalization of political systems. When we interact the age of a democracy with political fragmentation, we find that legislative fractionalisation increases the budget deficit as a democracy becomes more institutionalised.     

Reflective political reasoning: Political disagreement and empathy

As political polarization increases across many of the world's established democracies, many citizens are unwilling to appreciate and consider the viewpoints of those who disagree with them. Previous research shows that this lack of reflection can undermine democratic accountability. The purpose of this paper is to study whether empathy for the other can motivate people to reason reflectively about politics. Extant studies have largely studied trait-level differences in the ability and inclination of individuals to engage in reflection. Most of these studies focus on observational moderators, which makes it difficult to make strong claims about the effects of being in a reflective state on political decision making. We extend this research by using a survey experiment with a large and heterogeneous sample of UK citizens (N = 2014) to investigate whether a simple empathy intervention can induce people to consider opposing viewpoints and incorporate those views in their opinion about a pressing political issue. We find that actively imagining the feelings and thoughts of someone one disagrees with prompts more reflection in the way that people reason about political issues as well as elicits empathic feelings of concern towards those with opposing viewpoints. We further examine whether empathy facilitates openness to attitude change in the counter-attitudinal direction and find that exposure to an opposing perspective (without its empathy component) per se is enough to prompt attitude change. Our study paints a more nuanced picture of the relationship between empathy, reflection and policy attitudes.     

政治理念与社会主义政治文明建设

作为人类的一种有目的活动 ,政治文明建设有其自身的轨迹 ,政治文明建设是否按此行事 ,直接影响建设成效。在理性社会 ,人类的文明建设是在所选定的理念指导下进行的。因此 ,政治理念的确定对社会主义政治文明建设具有重要意义     

Political citizenship and local political participation for disabled people

The theme of this article is political citizenship among people with disabilities. Political citizenship on the basis of gender and ethnicity has received attention internationally. However, there has been little attention on political citizenship of persons with disabilities. The article sheds light on political representation at the local level in Norway. The data used are from a survey sent to 767 political representatives in local politics and 50 administrative representatives. Our study shows that disabled people are under-represented in local political assemblies, and thus, their political citizenship is not fully acknowledged. We apply Fraser (N. Fraser, 1997. Justice Interruptus. Critical Reflections on the ‘Postsocialist’ Condition. New York and London: Routledge) concepts of redistribution and recognition to analyse the lack of representation of disabled people. According to the dimension of redistribution, the analysis shows that neither the physical conditions nor the organization of the different meetings is particularly well adapted for disabled people. The dimension of recognition shows that disabled representatives are expected to be more occupied with issues concerning disability than other representatives. The analysis also shows that over time it has become more important for elected disabled representatives to put issues concerning disability on the agenda.     

Political participation,political action and political identities: young d/deaf people's perspectives

This paper critically examines the dominant, and predominantly negative, discourses around young people's political participation, or supposed lack of it. Drawing upon contemporary debates about young people within geography, political science and sociology, it considers the ways in which a redefinition of what constitutes ‘the political’ is required if young people's engagement in political participation is to be understood fully. The paper reports on research conducted with young D/deaf people that did not intentionally set out to research their political participation, action or identi ties, but which uncovered a range of political aspects in their lives and experiences. It explores the ways in which volunteering can be defined as political action and, after de Certeau and Scott, how the use of British Sign Language can be a resistive act, a tactic or weapon of the weak. Threaded throughout the paper is a consideration of the ways in which there are complex geographies of activism at play.