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1.
政治秩序的理论基础:涵义、要素与特征   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
政治秩序是指各政治实体之间的政治关系的规范化过程及其所呈现的状态.政治实体是政治秩序的能动性要素,政治规则是政治秩序的生长性要素,政治控制是政治秩序的实现性要素.政治秩序具有政治性、有限性、关联性和建构性等四项基本特征.  相似文献   

2.
民族政治权力研究的当代凸显,是日渐突出的民族政治问题作用的产物,也是民族政治学学科不断发展的结果.目前民族政治权力研究已取得了一些有价值的研究成果,多侧重对民族村社政治权力的关注,对少数民族政治权力的实证性研究也逐步展开.在未来的民族政治权力问题研究中,还须在研究方法、研究对象、以及研究路径等方面进行深化和拓展.  相似文献   

3.
中国农民是中国人口中的最大群体,对实现中国经济现代化、政治民主化有着至关重要的作用和影响。由于受到一系列主客观条件的制约,中国农民渴望致富的积极性有余,而民主政治的张力弹性不足,政治态度缺乏明显的进取意识,不仅影响了农民自身发展和权益维护,更为重要的是对中国民主政治发展没有起到应有的推力作用。有意识地塑造、引导中国农民政治态度具有重大的现实意义和深远的历史意义。  相似文献   

4.
李斌 《理论导刊》2014,(4):37-39,44
网络作为一种新的政治社会化媒介,在人的政治社会化进程中正产生日益深刻的影响。相对于传统意义上的政治社会化媒介,网络政治社会化具有空间拓展性、信息交互性、过程复杂性、成效非稳定性、互动有效性、方式"在线化"等特点。正确认识网络政治社会化的内涵和特点,准确把握网络政治社会化的影响因素,科学利用网络顺利实现公民的政治社会化,有助于促进国家政治稳定和政治发展。  相似文献   

5.
政治社会化:涵义、特征、功能   总被引:47,自引:0,他引:47  
本文试图从分析政治社会化的各种不同定义入手,在把握其本质、特征的基础上,进一步分析其功能,力求对政治社会化有更全面深刻的理解。文章将政治社会化的各种不同定义归纳为五种观点,即社会教化论、个体学习论、文化传承论、政治传播论、社会环境论,并进而揭示了政治社会化的内涵。将政治社会化的特征概括为政治性与社会性的统一,内化与外化的统一,能动性与受动性的统一,阶段性与连续性的统一,共同性与差异性的统一。认为政治社会化具有传播功能、教育功能、实现功能、变革功能  相似文献   

6.
上海市新白领的政治态度与政治参与   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
孙秀林  雷开春 《青年研究》2012,(4):45-56,95
本文使用2011年上海市的一个新白领调查样本,探讨了收入分层、职业分层、主观认同三个维度对于新白领的政治态度与政治参与的作用,同时也讨论了政治态度对于政治参与的影响效果。实证结果发现:(1)收入分层与职业分层对于新白领的政治态度和政治参与均没有明显的影响;(2)主观认同对于新白领的政治态度与政治参与具有非常明显的影响;(3)政治态度对于政治行为具有显著的影响效果,尤其是"权威主义"与"自由主义"两个维度。  相似文献   

7.
论我国政治体制改革的历史演进和走向   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
熊刚 《理论探讨》2001,2(6):4-7
我国政治体制改革在历史演进中大体经历了四个发展阶段,在改革的方向、重点、步骤和目标选择上,则表现得更为复杂和敏感。研究政治体制改革的未来走向,必须依据我国正处于社会主义初级阶段的基本国情,这是我们设计政治体制改革目标,确定改革原则,认识改革特点的基本前提,这一国情从根本上规定了我国政治体制改革的性质只能是社会主义政治制度的自我完善和发展,只能是在稳定的前提下,用较小的社会代价和改革成本推进体制的改革和制度创新。我们应尊重政治体制发展的内在规律,把政治体制的局部改革与整体重建有机地结合起来,致力于实现政治体制的机制转换、结构优化和功能调整。  相似文献   

8.
孔庆蓉 《理论导刊》2006,(9):104-106
高校思想政治教育的目的是培养大学生树立正确的“三观”,以引导大学生的行为。态度心理作为一种和人的需要、动机、思想、行为等密切相关的复杂的心理现象,在人的思想观念体系中处于核心地位,应该在高校思想政治教育中予以充分重视。  相似文献   

9.
政治文明:涵义、特征与战略目标   总被引:102,自引:0,他引:102  
政治文明作为整个社会文明的重要组成部分 ,是人类自进入文明社会以来 ,改造社会、实现自身完善和提高过程中创造和积累的所有积极的政治成果以及与社会生产力相适应的政治进步状态。政治文明具有阶级性、复杂性、动态性和民族性等特点。要实现社会主义政治文明建设的战略目标 ,应在政治民主化、政治法治化、政治科学化、政治公开化、政治高效化、政治清廉化和政治文化世俗化等方面不懈努力。  相似文献   

10.
郑青 《学理论》2009,(6):8-10
利益政治的应然效能就是实现利益的和谐发展,但在实然层面,利益和谐往往被认为可欲而不可求,原因在于利益政治会出现失效,本文着力于此,希望清楚解读这一问题,以便为深入实践研究提供理论支撑。  相似文献   

11.
我国政治代理人问题:产生的原因及对策   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
一般学者把我国政治代理人问题归结为思想政治工作松懈,广大党员干部失去了"为人民服务"的共产主义信念,以及我国制度的不完善.我们认为,任何政治委托代理契约中都存在的委托代理双方的利益不一致、责任不对等、信息不对称和契约不完全等难题,必然导致我国政治代理人问题的产生.相应地,我们认为各项制度的完善和有效的激励机制的建立则是治理我国政治代理人问题的根本措施.  相似文献   

12.
Evidence and policy: discourses,meanings and practices   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

Based on interviews with 21 immigrants in Norway, including both naturalized citizens and ‘denizens’, this article addresses immigrant meanings of citizenship and naturalization. The findings show that the interviewees attributed three meanings to citizenship. First, Norwegian citizenship served as a powerful means of spatial mobility, thereby facilitating transnational connections. Second, citizenship signified a legal stability that may guard precarious immigrants against ‘liminal legality’, i.e. enduring legal uncertainty. Third, citizenship was conceptualized as a formal recognition of equality and belonging, although ‘race’ and ethnicity persisted as salient markers of inequality and alienage. The article contributes empirically to the growing literature on the experiencing side of citizenship and naturalization by delineating what citizenship means to different groups, and to whom it matters the most. Theoretically, it contributes by demonstrating that citizenship acquisition may not only be strategic, but also rooted in needs of symbolic sanctioning of equality and belonging, particularly important to individuals debarred from naturalization.  相似文献   

14.
When matters of sustainable development and innovation are on the table for discussion in Africa, culture is often sidelined. Designs, shapes and sizes of new technological innovations need to integrate African aesthetes as a way to uphold the culture of people represented who often utilize or benefit from the inventions or constructions. Artefactual materials or objects (such as buildings) should appeal to the people of Africa and solve their daily challenges. Using semiotics, this paper cautions innovators, planners, thinkers and producers of “modern” residential homes; that these, as material objects, have other roles they play. Dwellings assume the heritage of a people far removed from the traditionally thought spaces and objects such as drums, museums, songs, literary texts, pieces of cloth and so on. As such, planners have a mandate to deliberately uphold their people’s cultural sensitivity if sustainable development is to mean in Zimbabwe and Africa in general.  相似文献   

15.
Surveys provide widely cited measures of political knowledge. Do seemingly arbitrary features of survey interviews affect their validity? Our answer comes from experiments embedded in a representative survey of over 1200 Americans. A control group was asked political knowledge questions in a typical survey context. Treatment groups received the questions in altered contexts. One group received a monetary incentive for answering the questions correctly. Another was given extra time. The treatments increase the number of correct answers by 11–24%. Our findings imply that conventional knowledge measures confound respondents' recall of political facts with variation in their motivation to exert effort during survey interviews. Our work also suggests that existing measures fail to capture relevant political search skills and, hence, provide unreliable assessments of what many citizens know when they make political decisions. As a result, existing knowledge measures likely underestimate people's capacities for informed decision making.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

This article relies on a national survey of community‐based housing development organizations to profile production levels, spatial coverage, funding sources, and nondevelopmental roles of the nonprofit housing development sector. It also uses Urban Institute case study results and secondary data sources to examine continuing barriers to increased production in the sector and the evolution of institutional responses to those barriers.

Nationwide, about 13 percent of all recent federally supported housing units (excluding public housing) have been sponsored by nonprofit developers. This production is distributed very unevenly; relatively few developers produce the bulk of units, and regional disparities are marked. Long‐standing barriers to efficient production at higher volumes continue: Undercapitalization, high‐risk developments, patchwork systems of finance, and the difficulty of demonstrating the social payoff of community development investments constrain even the most sophisticated portions of the sector. However, the creation of national intermediary institutions over the past decade and the proliferation of similar organizations locally have established the preconditions for sector expansion. And in view of recent local initiatives in participatory, comprehensive neighborhood revitalization, and hints of federal support for like efforts, increased capacity in the sector has taken on new national importance.  相似文献   

17.
This article examines the background to the so-called 'Howard Doctrine' of 1999 in response to the problems that Australian diplomacy and defence policy encountered during the East Timor crisis. The article begins by examining the critical reaction both in Australia and abroad to the doctrine which appeared to imply Australia's increased reliance on the 'special relationship' with the US and its role as a 'deputy' of its ANZUS partner in the East Asia region. The article then demonstrates the historical origins of the doctrine's thinking in Australia's reliance since the post-war period on a system of serial bilateralism and special relationships with first the UK, the US and then Indonesia. However, the article also points out the essential vulnerabilities inherent in this type of serial bilateralism and its relative inability to respond effectively to the East Timor crisis. Finally, the article considers the systemic risk in Australian policy as manifested in the doctrine, and the future viability of serial bilateralism in dealing with Australia's regional diplomatic and security agenda.  相似文献   

18.
19.
This article assesses two main theories of the decline of political support that is found in many western democracies. The first is society centred and built on the concepts of social capital, trust and civil society. The second is politics centred and focuses on the performance of government and the economy. The two theories are not necessarily incompatible, but they are usually treated in a mutually exclusive way. In this article they are tested against a combination of aggregate cross-national comparative data and detailed case studies of four countries that have suffered exceptional decline of political support for politicians, political institutions and the systems of government. The puzzle is that cross-national comparative evidence about a large and diverse number of nations supports social capital theory, whereas in-depth study of four countries that have experienced substantial decline of political support does not. The erosion of support coincides in all four with poor economic and/or political performance. A way of reconciling the two theories and their supporting evidence is suggested, arguing that while social capital is a necessary foundation for democratic support, it is not a sufficient cause.  相似文献   

20.
This article adresses itself to the problem of political recruitment. Most recruitment studies are based on models of recruitment where the model presupposes more candidates than positions. Studying local committees we cannot presuppose excess demand for political positions. The article tries to introduce economic theory into the study of political recruitment. With concepts of market, supply, demand and prices, the article discusses recruitment to various types of positions. When we have extreme market conditions with either excess demand or lack of demand, the recruitment processes can best be understood in terms of hierarchical forces. The sales of less important positions in a situation with low demand for these positions could best be understood in terms of market mechanism. Comparing an economic market with a political market, the article finds variation in the transaction structure. The economic markets have a specific transaction structure, with specific obligations linked to transactions, while the political markets have a more unspecified transaction structure with more unspecified obligations linked to the transactions. A less specified transaction structure has lower transaction costs in a hierarchy than in a market. This, the author believes, could explain why some transactions take place in markets while others take place in hierarchies.  相似文献   

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