志愿者在"平安世博"中的使命和作为

上海世博会是首次在发展中国家、在中国举办的世博会.要办成一届成功、精彩、难忘的世博会,安全是关键之关键. 实现世博平安,不仅靠政府的职能部门和专业人员,还要靠全体人民;不仅靠80万平安志愿者,还要靠百万城区服务志愿者和园区服务志愿者.只有树立世博大安全观,构建世博安伞的大防范体系,才能真正做到"平安世博".     

奥运志愿活动在大学生思想政治教育中的功能

在北京奥运会召开的过程中,有一支大学生志愿者队伍活跃在奥运赛场内外,他们践行中国青年志愿者行动所倡导的“奉献、友爱、互助、进步”的志愿精神,通过服务奥运会,展现了一代大学生志愿服务无私奉献的风彩。大学生奥运志愿活动不仅为奥运会的成功举办发挥了重要作用,也在大学生思想政治教育工作中发挥了重要功能,为高校思想政治教育工作带来有益启示。     

增强大学生思想政治教育实效性研究——以大型活动学生志愿者为视角

大型活动学生志愿者与大学生思想政治教育之间存在着相互联系、相互影响、相互作用、相互制约的互动关系,充分挖掘二者的合力才能切实增强大学生思想政治教育的实效性。围绕大型活动中学生志愿者与大学生思想政治教育之间的互动关系及互动机制进行全面剖析,对思想政治教育如何有效保障大型活动学生志愿者圆满完成工作任务,大型活动中学生志愿者的活动如何对大学生思想政治教育产生推动和促进作用,如何保持实效性和长效性等问题进行系统的探究,寻求大型活动学生志愿者的思想政治教育工作模式和发挥志愿者活动的激励作用及加强大学生思想政治教育实效性的有效途径。     

浅谈青年志愿者行动在大学生思想政治教育中的作用

青年志愿者行动是对大学生进行思想政治教育的重要渠道。近年来，青年志愿者行动在大学生思想政治教育中所起的作用越来越明显。利用青年志愿者一载体，来促进高校思想政治教育工作的发展逐渐成为高校思想政治工作者集中关注的焦点。基于此背景，本文着力阐释青年志愿者行动在大学生思想政治教育中的重要作用。笔者认为充分发挥青年志愿者行动在大学生思想政治教育中的作用，有助于提高思想政治教育的实践性、实效性、社会性。     

浅析高校开展大学生志愿服务机制

我国青年志愿者活动近几年得到了突飞猛进的发展和社会各界的广泛认同,高校志愿者服务逐渐成为大学校园文化建设的载体和创新思想政治教育方式的平台。通过研究大学生志愿者服务机制存在的问题,分析出现问题的原因,并提出志愿服务机制的创新思考,这对新形势下思想政治教育的研究,提供新的教育途径,具有重要的战略意义。     

深入开展创造争优 扎实推进基层党建——记全国质检系统先进基层党组织 中共上海市计量测试技术研究院委员会

上海市计量测试技术研究院作为国内计量测试领域的权威机构不断地在以质取胜、创先争优、服务世博、保障世博等各项工作中寻找契合点,院党委抓住世博会这一重要契机,拓宽领域强化功能,做好抓基层、打基础工作,着力扩大覆盖面、增强生机活力,广泛开展创先争优活动。党组织政治核心作用在世博先锋行动中     

大学生志愿服务活动的基本历程与经验

从志愿服务与思想政治教育内在一致性、志愿服务活动是增强思想政治教育实效性的途径、志愿者社团实现思想政治教育载体创新、志愿活动增强思想政治教育主体性四个角度论述了开展大学生志愿服务活动的必要性,对我国大学生志愿服务活动的基本历程分启动、发展、成熟三个阶段进行简要了回顾,并从中总结出大学生志愿服务活动在思想教育、组织领导、活动内容、管理制度、服务地域五个方面的经验。     

世博志愿服务期间学生党建工作机制探究

2010年上海世博会期间,青年大学生志愿者提供的志愿服务发挥了举足轻重的作用,这期间的各项工作与各高校世博临时党委和党支部的高效运作密不可分。通过广泛调研和实践探索,对世博志愿服务期间,高校学生党员在临时党支部中的常规活动运作及有效依托临时支部开展党建工作的方式方法作了一些思考和探索。     

大学生志愿精神培育方法研究--以淮北师范大学为例

大学生志愿者是志愿队伍的主力军,大学时期是对大学生进行志愿精神培育的重要时期。从思想政治理论课的引领、团学部门的领导、雷锋精神的发扬和特色志愿品牌的建设四个方面为大学生营造良好的志愿文化氛围。通过与青马工程培养结合、与校园文化结合、与社会实践结合等方法,从开展服务的角度对大学生进行志愿精神培育。     

世博会志愿者

世博会志愿者是世博会“城市，让生活更美好”主题演绎的生动实践，是世博会筹办和组织运行的一支重要工作力量，更是城市文明的一道亮丽风景线。中国2010年上海世博会志愿者，是由中国2010年上海世博会志愿者工作组统一招募的，在上海世博会园区内外自愿无偿地开展各类志愿服务活动的所有志愿者。世博会志愿者分为两大类：     

在《中国近现代史纲要》教学中坚持唯物史观、批判历史虚无主义

最近,历史虚无主义甚嚣尘上,甚至蔓延到学校的校园之中。作为思想政治理论课的《中国近代史纲要》,让学生树立正确的世界观是十分必要的。掌握历史唯物主义历史观是反对各种非科学的历史观的前提;而认识历史虚无主义是进行思想政治理论课教学的前提,也是对其运用历史唯物主义史观进行批判的前提。     

论科技意识及其当代形态

科技意识是一种建立在科学技术实践基础之上的社会意识形态。它反映着科学技术实践与客观事物的关系以及科学技术实践本身的特点、程序、规律和精神气质。科技意识由科学知识、科学方法、科学精神三个层次有机组成。科学方法、科学精神是科学技术活动中更为本质的内容。科学知识、科学方法和科学精神在知识经济时代有了新的丰富和发展，其精神内涵更加清晰和凸现。     

科学发展观指导下的大学生思想政治教育方法创新

2004年10月,中共中央国务院发出《关于进一步加强和改进思想政治教育的意见》,强调指出,大学生是十分宝贵的人才资源,是民族的希望,是祖国的未来。加强和改进大学生思想政治教育,提高他们的思想政冶素质,探索大学生思想政治教育的方法,把他们培养成中国特色社会主义事业的建设者和接班人,加快推进社会主义现代化的宏伟目标,确保中国特色社会主义事业兴旺发达,具有重大而深远的战略意义。     

Buttery Guns and Welfare Hawks: The Politics of Defense Spending in Advanced Industrial Democracies

In this article, we present a new theory that, given the economic consequences of military spending, some governments may use military spending as a means of advancing their domestic non‐military objectives. Based on evidence that governments can use military spending as welfare policy in disguise, we argue that the role of ideology in shaping military spending is more complicated than simple left‐right politics. We also present a theory that strategic elites take advantage of opportunities presented by international events, leading us to expect governments that favor more hawkish foreign policy policies to use low‐level international conflicts as opportunities for increasing military spending. Using pooled time‐series data from 19 advanced democracies in the post–World War II period, we find that government ideology, measured as welfare and international positions, interacts with the international security environment to affect defense spending.     

Teaching Chinese Politics: Microblogging and Student Engagement

This article reflects on some of the issues involved in teaching Chinese politics in the west and assesses the rationale for incorporating technology into teaching. The article specifically addresses the potential benefits of using microblogging (Twitter and Weibo) as a supplementary teaching tool in Chinese politics classes. The article argues that microblogging has benefits in terms of helping students develop professional networks, extending contact hours without placing an onerous burden on instructors, contributing to the construction of a supportive and collaborative learning environment and demystifying China for non-Chinese majors. Furthermore, in classes where students possess Chinese language skills, China??s domestic Weibo provide a fascinating window onto social and political issues as they are experienced contemporaneously by Chinese netizens. An assessment of the potential uses of microblogging is timely as the learning preferences of current and future cohorts change and commercial and pedagogical imperatives increasingly impel university teachers to consider the effectiveness of their teaching methods.     

Political Awareness, Opinion Constraint and the Stability of Ideological Positions

Some studies of public opinion suggest that most people are ignorant about the detail of politics and are simply unable to arrive at a considered vote. They hold that voters are ignorant about the ideological substance of politics, since their opinions do not appear to be constrained by ideas and are unstable over time. However, other studies cast doubt on both the definition of ideology employed in these studies and their operational measures. It is suggested that, once allowance is made for measurement error, the opinions of most voters are constrained and highly stable. This article demonstrates that differences in political awareness result in considerable heterogeneity among the electorate. The opinions of more aware voters are subject to greater constraint and are more stable over time than those of less aware voters. It is therefore suggested that issue-voting models must be applied with caution to less aware voters.     

Democratic Theory and the Public Sphere Project: Rethinking Knowledge,Authority, and Identity

This paper is concerned with the problem of academic acquiescence in the decline of public discourse in the United States. Noting current tendencies for the university to operate as another transnational corporation, the argument targets and probes post-communal professionalism which as a sub-ideology is linked to the dualistic social imaginary of the corporate state. Discussing works by Rieff and Lasch, the critique situates this ideology in the liberal-progressivist middle-class culture that is much more bound to the transnational corporate state's consumer culture than many academics wish to acknowledge. A theoretical critique of the subjectivization of postmodern "resistance" is presented as one way of facilitating democratic Left intellectual interest in pursuing a true "border politics" between academic and general cultures. Disembodied, placeless visions of professionalism must be replaced with perspectives and projects foregrounding agency rather than "identity" and political action rather than "self-fulfillment." Scholars critical of the university's role in corporate globalization should take a lesson from John Dewey's "civic professionalism" and envision a post-professional politics projecting democratic public spheres that connect with recent political forms of grassroots globalization aiming at more sustainable ways of life.     

Zionism, Translation and the Politics of Erasure

This paper examines the translation of classic political philosophy into Hebrew, arguing that a variety of ideological positions can be disclosed simply by examining the erasure process employed during translation. Exploring the connection between translation and nation-building, I claim that segments from John Stuart Mill's On Liberty , John Locke's Two Treaties of Government and Thomas Hobbes's Leviathan were excised in the service of a Zionist identity politics. Insofar as Zionism is a discursive formation, its production and maintenance involves the expulsion of components that may hinder the fabrication of a unified identity. Counter-narratives of the nation that disrupt its totalizing boundaries may disturb, in Homi Bhabha's words, 'those ideological maneuvers through which "imagined communities" are given essentialist identities'. By way of conclusion, I argue that the altered texts are in effect a sign that one ideology overpowered another and led, as it were, to the corruption of the spirit underlying the original project of translating classics into Hebrew, a project that was initiated by Leon Roth for different ideological reasons.     

Hu Jintao and the CCP’s ideology: A historical perspective

The role of ideology in Chinese politics has experienced dramatic changes in the past six decades. Mao Zedong had tremendous power over the political institutions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). During the Cultural Revolution, he mobilized the masses against the Party’s institutions in the name of Mao Zedong Thought. Deng Xiaoping significantly downplayed the role of ideology in politics by trying to avoid theoretical debates. Jiang Zemin invented a new thought, “Three Represents,” yet the thought was detached from his name when it was enshrined in the CCP Constitution. Most recently, as a result of the political succession at the Sixteenth National Congress of the CCP, Jiang is no longer the most authoritative interpreter of the thought. Now it is Hu Jintao, new General Secretary of the CCP, who has become the official interpreter of the thought. He offered a new interpretation in his July 1^st speech on the “Three Represents” in 2003. It seems that ideology is no longer a personal trademark. It has become an asset of the Party and been institutionalized under Hu Jintao because Hu has become the legitimate interpreter of the Party’s ideology as the General Secretary of the Party. He will be the inaugural Joe and Teresa Long Endowed Chair in the Social Sciences at Tarleton State University in Stephenville, Texas in the Spring Semester of 2005. He received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Chicago. He is the author ofChinese Provincial Leaders: Economic Performance and Political Mobility since 1949 (Sharpe, 2002). The author wishes to thank three anonymous referees for their valuable comments on the earlier drafts of this article, Stephine Corso, Nancy Hearst, and Fong Ruey-Jay for their research assistance, and Jessica Loon and Stephine Corso for their editorial assistance.     

Sending mixed signals: the role of gender and partisanship in evaluations of political leaders

Partisanship and gender are powerful heuristic cues used by citizens to understand their elected officials’ ideology. When these cues send complementary signals – a Democratic woman or a Republican man – we expect they will aid citizens in evaluating their leaders’ political ideology. However, when partisanship and gender send conflicting signals, we expect citizens will be more likely to misperceive their leaders’ beliefs. We test this proposition using ideological evaluations of incumbent US senators collected in the 2010 and 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies. The findings support our hypotheses, illustrating voters’ reliance on both partisan and gender cues. Our results suggest potential consequences for not only Republican women, but also Democratic men.