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John Stuart Mill's intellectual reputation is unarguable; his liberal credentials seemingly impeccable. Moreover there seems to be a Mill for everyone; liberal, radical, feminist. The precise nature of the feminist Mill has however remained a matter of considerable debate. The purpose of this article is less to engage this speculation, but rather to invite closer consideration of what Mill actually said and wrote about women and the law in nineteenth-century England. For Mill, the law was both an instrument of women's subjection and a prospective means of liberation. 相似文献
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This article focuses on service provision for women who are involuntarily referred under the UK Mental Health Act (1983) into medium and high security care in England and Wales. We explore how physical and procedural security in such settings is prioritized over relational care (see also Fallon Report, Department of Health, 1999a and NHS Executive, 2000 – Tilt Report). Weare not arguing against the importance of protecting the public from the acts of dangerous members of our society. However, we are arguing that many of the women in our secure services are inappropriately placed and receive inappropriate forms of treatment and care. Rather than physical security, it is high relational care, which the women require. Further, we argue that current service provision often re-produces forms of violence and violation which have marked many of women's lives prior to their entry into the secure system. 相似文献
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Catrin Lundström 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2019,27(2):96-111
Emerging from the concepts of white cosmopolitanism and white cosmopolitan femininity, this article analyses “cosmopolitan narratives” of Swedish migrant women who lived abroad for an extended period and eventually returned to Sweden. Based on eight months’ ethnographic work, including 46 in-depth interviews with migrants who had returned in Sweden, the article explores how national boundaries are both maintained and traversed in the construction of a “world citizen”. It is argued that the women’s self-identification with a cosmopolitan ethos is structured by whiteness, nationality, and class that grants uninterrupted mobility and “worldliness”. As symbolic bearers of the Swedish nation, national ideals act on the white women’s bodies internationally, in ways that both uphold and re-inscribe the nation into the global. Thus, apart from obscuring global inequalities, white cosmopolitan femininity is imbricated in both national and global politics as a place where global structures reconnect with the white nation, thereby enabling Swedish migrants to re-install themselves into contemporary global settings as self-defined cosmopolitan subjects 相似文献
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Say Burgin 《Women's history review》2016,25(5):756-770
ABSTRACTHistories are re-writing what Sherna Berger Gluck famously called the ‘master historical narrative’ of the US WLM, especially in historicizing the efforts of feminists of colour. This paper echoes this by exploring how white feminists embraced racial justice politics, particularly during the early 1970s, when it is often assumed that white feminists failed to enact racial justice. In historicizing the efforts of white anti-imperialist feminists in greater Boston, I maintain that the ‘master historical narrative’ wrote not only black, Chicana and multiracial feminisms out of history, but that it skewed our understanding of the race politics of white, US feminists. 相似文献
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Tuija Virkki 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(4):220-232
According to the statistics, violence against women is quite common in Finland, particularly in partner relationships and in care work. The present article looks at the similarities in the ways in which victims of occupational violence in care work and victims of intimate partner violence understand their experiences of violence. The commonalities among interpersonal relations are highlighted in order to offer new insights to the analysis of gender in research on occupational violence. Drawing on empirical data and research literature on the experiences of violence of Finnish women, this article suggests that minimization, naturalization and legitimization of the encountered violence is typical for women in care work as well as for quite ordinary women in their intimate relationships. The article identifies gendered ideals of caring as an area overlapping and in disjunction with violence at work and at home. These contribute to the ways in which women tend to belittle the impact of violence targeted at them in both these spheres of life. Women are traditionally assumed to be responsible for taking care of others and for maintaining interpersonal relations. In the Finnish context, the responsibility for care is associated with an assumption of endurance that Finnish women show even in violent situations. However, the complexities involved in the phenomenon of interpersonal violence give rise to a need of conceptualizing gender in a more multi‐faceted manner than as a binary opposition between men and women. While analysing the gendered meanings of care we should bear in mind the dynamic nature of gender as a process of signification. 相似文献
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Estrada-Martínez LM Padilla MB Caldwell CH Schulz AJ 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(8):1039-1051
Existing research rarely considers important ethnic subgroup variations in violent behaviors among Latino youth. Thus, their
risk for severe violent behaviors is not well understood in light of the immense ethnic and generational diversity of the
Latino population in the United States. Grounded in social control theory and cultural analyses of familism, we examine differences in the risk for severe youth violence, as well its associations with family cohesion, parental engagement,
adolescent autonomy, household composition, and immigrant generation among Mexican (n = 1,594), Puerto Rican (n = 586), Cuban
(n = 488), and non-Latino Black (n = 4,053), and White (n = 9,921) adolescents with data from the National Longitudinal Study
of Adolescent Health. Results indicate a gradient of risk; White youth had the lowest risk for severe violence and Puerto
Rican youth had the highest risk compared to all other racial/ethnic subgroups. Within-group analysis indicates that family
factors are not universally protective or risk-inducing. While family cohesion decreased the risk of severe violence among
all groups, parental engagement was associated with increased risk among Blacks and Whites, and adolescent autonomy was associated
with increased risk among Puerto Ricans and Cubans. In addition, Cuban and White adolescents who lived in single parent households
or who did not live with their parents, had higher risk for severe violent behaviors than their counterparts who lived in
two parent households. Among Latinos, the association of immigrant generation was in opposite directions among Mexicans and
Cubans. We conclude that family and immigration factors differentially influence risk for violence among Latino subgroups
and highlight the significance of examining subgroup differences and developing intervention strategies that are tailored
to the needs of each ethnic subgroup. 相似文献
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