The Security Council in the Face of Genocide

The genocide in Rwanda will define for our generation the failureto intervene in the face of mass human rights abuses. The UNSecurity Council (the Council) was intimately involved in thisterrible event, with the decisions it took from October 1993,when a peacekeeping mission was created for Rwanda, having adecisive effect on what happened. This article details the crucialmeetings held by the Council in secret and informal sessionsand describes how a serious assessment of the situation in Rwandawas simply missing. It shows how the peacekeepers of the Council'smission to Rwanda were abandoned during the genocide and howthe efforts of these UN personnel to ease the suffering of theRwandan people were ignored by the Great Powers.     

The ICTR Ten Years On: Back to the Nuremberg Paradigm?

Since his appointment in 2003, the Prosecutor of the InternationalCriminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) remains silent on the issueof prosecuting officials of the victorious Rwandan PatrioticFront (RPF). There is certainly no lack of credible reportsabout massive violations of human rights and international humanitarianlaw by the RPF both in Rwanda and in neighbouring countries,in 1994 and thereafter. The Prosecutor and the UN Security Council,despite lip service to the contrary, seem less than eager toconfront the government in Kigali. It is therefore to be fearedthat prosecutorial practice at the ICTR will follow the Nurembergparadigm. This one-sided policy may, however, have far-reachingconsequences.     

Criminology and victimology of rape in context with war-like conflicts using the example of the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda

The topic of this article is sexual violence in context with war-like conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The fundamental categories of sexual violence in war-like conflicts are described. The authors discuss the types of sexual violence as defined in the report of the UN Commission of Experts on the war-like conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. Four criminal trials were evaluated: three held before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague/Netherlands and one before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha/Tansania. The defendants were found guilty of torture, crime against humanity and genocide. Potential procedures with respect to similar crimes in current or prospective conflicts are discussed. An alternative may be the assignment of medical personnel (for example of the German Federal Armed Forces). Finally, the post-war cooperation between the Institute of Legal Medicine at the University Medical Centre of Hamburg-Eppendorf as well as the medical and government institutions in Rwanda is presented, which has been going on since 2005.     

The Haiti Cholera Outbreak and Peacekeeping Paradoxes

In 2010, two Complex Humanitarian Emergencies (CHEs) befell Haiti: a devastating earthquake in January and in October, a cholera outbreak that continues to this day. This essay focuses on the latter and examines the paradoxical role of the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH—now United Nations Mission for Justice Support in Haiti—MINUJUSTH) in this tragedy, particularly, in a chain of events that call into question its peacekeeping mission.

According to Barry Pakes, a Complex Humanitarian Emergency (CHE) is a “type of disaster event that is caused by and results in a complicated set of social, medical and often political circumstances, usually leading to great human suffering and death and requiring external assistance and aid.” CHEs are associated with a variety of factors, such as war, poverty, overpopulation, human-caused environmental destruction and change, and natural disasters. The United Nations (UN) considers a CHE to be a crisis involving multiple causes and requiring a broad and integrated response with long-term political and peacekeeping efforts.” The 2010 cholera outbreak in Haiti could be considered a CHE, according to this definition.     

当代国际刊法的新发展

大量证据显示国际刑事审判的展开促进了国际刑法的发展,而在国际刑法发展的进程中,出现了一系列新的观念和原则并逐渐得到国际社会的广泛认可,诸如灭绝种族罪、危害人类罪和战争罪的定义,以及合法性原则、补充性管辖原则、个人刑事责任原则和国际合作与司法协助原则等。国际刑事法院的建立在国际刑法制度发展中具有里程碑式的意义,联合国、联合国宪章以及联合国大会的一系列决议为国际刑法的发展发挥了至关重要的作用。     

武装冲突法的新发展：“战后法”法律问题研究

冲突后阶段作为武装冲突的特殊阶段已为人们所认可,正义战争理论关于＂战后正义＂的讨论为＂战后法＂提供了理论来源。事实上,传统武装冲突法不能涵盖冲突后阶段的所有内容,当前武装冲突法中调整冲突后阶段关系的实体规则需要加以完善,＂战后法＂应作为其独立分支调整该阶段的特殊法律关系,以保障从冲突到和平的实现。此外,国际上处理冲突后重建问题的其他机制,如＂联合国建设和平计划＂、＂保护的责任＂等,也为＂战后法＂的建立及完善提供了实践上的启示。     

Personal and Political Reconciliation in Post-Genocide Rwanda

The majority of scholarly research on Rwanda currently focuses on determining the causes of and participation in the genocide. In this paper, we explore a variety of questions that have come to the forefront in post-genocide Rwanda. In particular, we are concerned with the prospects for peace and justice in the aftermath of the gross abuses of human rights that occurred and, to that end, we consider the potential uses and limits of restorative justice initiatives in the process of healing and reconciliation in Rwanda. We argue that restorative justice initiatives have moved the country closer toward reconciliation than retributive measures, such as the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. That said, we also suggest that the Rwandan government, despite claims that it seeks to achieve reconciliation, has not shown a serious commitment to healing the wounds that persist between either individual Rwandans or the groups that they comprise. In the end, then, we make a case for the importance of pairing a comprehensive search for justice in Rwanda with a commitment to truth-telling and accountability by the victims and perpetrators of the genocide, as well as by current government officials.     

Criminalising encounters: MINUSTAH as a laboratory for armed humanitarian pacification

ABSTRACT

This article assesses the nexus of militarised humanitarian work, governance and violence in the context of the ‘Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti’ (MINUSTAH). It draws on empirical fieldwork in Port-au-Prince and Rio de Janeiro. Brazil’s leading role in this UN mission reinforces the country’s ambitions as an emergent economic and political power on a global stage. Brazilian military and civilian actors base their claim of being uniquely qualified for urban ‘pacification’ efforts on a supposedly deeper cultural sensitivity which they assert to have developed in everyday civil–military encounters in the criminalised peripheries of Brazilian cities. By analysing the conflicting narratives in which the military, police and citizens negotiate these encounters, we argue that they allow for a revealing of the contested and often violent forms in which peace enforcement occurs.     

论卢旺达国际刑事法庭的管辖权

卢旺达国际刑事法庭的管辖权包括五类:其属地管辖权涵盖卢旺达及其邻国;其属人管辖权限于自然人;其属事管辖权包含种族灭绝罪、反人道罪和战争罪;其属时管辖权仅限于1994年度发生的犯罪,遭到卢旺达政府的批评;其并行管辖权和优先管辖权则与前南斯拉夫国际刑事法庭规定的同名管辖权有着质的区别。     

Crime and punishment in Rwanda

In 1994 Rwanda was devastated by genocide that killed hundreds of thousands of people and destroyed the country’s infrastructure. The credibility of the criminal justice system was questioned following the genocide because it had failed to stop the slaughter and may have contributed to it. In order to address these concerns, Rwanda rebuilt its criminal justice system in light of its history and troubled past. The success of the reestablishment may be debated but there can be no question that Rwanda had a tabula rasa with which to form an effective criminal justice system. Examining the law details the ideals of the criminal justice system as established post-genocide. These ideals exemplify the democratic process. Examining current events allows for a practical assessment of the success of the new system. In both theory and practice the country’s criminal justice system has changed drastically since 1994.     

欧盟公共采购法采购主体制度述评

欧盟公共采购法的采购主体制度是欧盟内部市场制度深入发展的结果,主体的市场化程度是判定其是否应纳入公共采购法规范的主要标准。同时,尽管欧盟公共采购法体现出高度的开放性特点,但这种开放仅是针对欧盟成员国的相对的开放,欧盟的对外政策仍具有突出的贸易保护特色,这是欧盟公共采购法与真正的政府采购国际法规范的一个本质区别.     

International criminal justice: reflections on the past and the future

While Nuremberg constitutes a watershed in the evolution of international law with its establishment of the fundamental principle of individual criminal responsibility under international law it has not left much else by way of precedent for the subsequent international criminal tribunals. The adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 827 establishing the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and Resolution 955 (1994) establishing the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, set the groundwork for a new model of hybrid tribunals, with the establishment of the Special Court for Sierra Leone in 2002, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia in 2006, and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon in 2007. Perhaps one of the greatest legacies of these ad hoc and hybrid courts and tribunals has been paving the way for the establishment of a permanent international criminal court. However, they have also brought about the development of international criminal law through judicial interpretation, elaborating, inter alia, the elements of the crime of genocide as detailed in the 1948 Genocide Convention, the judicial recognition of the concept of joint criminal enterprise and the principle that national arrangements for amnesties in respect of international crimes are no bar to prosecution for such crimes at an international tribunal. In view of the completion strategies of the ad hoc Tribunals, as well as of the SCSL, this article delves into some of their legacies and outlines some of the difficulties and challenges they have faced, while identifying areas of best practice in order for the newly‐operational International Criminal Court to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past or even reinventing new wheels.     

The Background and Causes of the Genocide in Rwanda

This article begins with an account of significant events andsocio-political relationships in the history of Rwanda, leadingto mass murder and genocide in 1994. An explanation is thenoffered of these crimes, based on an analysis of certain ecological,economic, cultural and political factors specific to Rwanda,but shared to an important extent by much of East Africa.     

论联合国豁免的放弃

联合国组织在一定条件下放弃豁免,是《联合国特权与豁免公约》及有关国际法律文件明确规定的一项国际法律制度,这项制度美系到相美国际组织能否享有豁免以便履行职能和实现目的。同时也关系到与国际组织有关的其他各方,尤其是与国际组织交往的私人在国际组织一旦侵犯其权利的情况下能否得到救济。因此,国际组织放弃豁免是一项非常重要的国际法律制度。联合国豁免的放弃必须由其有权机关作出相应的意思表示。不论是民事行为,还是刑事行为,其豁免都是可以放弃的。联合国等国际组织放弃豁免的权利。同时也构成其必须履行的一项义务。     

Barcelona 2002: law, ethics, and human rights. HIV testing for peacekeeping forces: legal and human rights issues

In 2001, the United Nations Security Council established an Expert Panel to study the issue of whether the UN should institute HIV testing of peacekeeping personnel. This article, based on a 9 July 2002 presentation to the XIV International AIDS Conference (abstract TuOrG1173), reports on the findings of a paper prepared for the Expert Panel by the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network. The paper examined whether it is permissible for the UN to implement mandatory HIV testing of its peacekeeping personnel, and whether HIV-positive UN peacekeeping personnel should be excluded or restricted from service on the basis of their HIV status or HIV disease progression. The article describes some of the court cases in which these issues have been considered; discusses the importance of analyzing such issues in the context of a human rights-based approach to the pandemic; and formulates a series of key principles for guiding UN decision-making. The article concludes that a policy of mandatory HIV testing for all UN peacekeeping personnel cannot be justified on the basis that it is required in order to assess their physical and mental capacity for service; that HIV-positive peacekeeping personnel cannot be excluded from service based on their HIV status alone, but only on their ability to perform their duties; and that the UN cannot resort to mandatory HIV testing for all UN peacekeeping personnel to protect the health and safety of HIV-negative personnel unless it can demonstrate that alternatives to such a policy would not reduce the risk sufficiently. In the end, the Expert Panel unanimously rejected mandatory testing and instead endorsed voluntary HIV counselling and testing for UN peacekeeping personnel.     

论非政府组织与联合国关系的现状及改革前景

作为一种有别于国家和政府间组织的第三类国际行为体,非政府组织与联合国之间已经建立起紧密的联系机制。非政府组织通过提供咨询、参与联合国会议、执行和监督联合国决策等方式,在联合国体系内发挥着日益重要的作用。但是,非政府组织这一新生的民间组织力量的合法性如何、其影响力应当如何发挥等问题,则引起国际社会的诸多争议。以何种方式将非政府组织纳入联合国改革的框架内,是近些年学术界密切关注的焦点。     

The Rwandan diaspora in Canada and the United States: reconciliation and justice

Following the 1994 Rwandan genocide, many Rwandans fled and a modest diaspora was established throughout Canada and the United States. Diaspora are subject to many of the same concerns regarding justice and reconciliation as those who remain in Rwanda. This research focused primarily on how this diaspora attempted to achieve justice and reconciliation, if institutional mechanisms (gacaca) in Rwanda had a residual effect, and if they created any specific mechanism to facilitate justice and reconciliation among themselves. In-person and telephone interviews were conducted with eight members of the diaspora in the United States and Canada between May 2015 and March 2016.

Interviews suggested that justice among the diaspora is inherently connected with justice in Rwanda, and participants felt that justice has not been achieved in either location. Reconciliation among the diaspora, while tied to reconciliation in Rwanda, may be its own construct. Interviews demarcated ‘thin’ reconciliation and ‘thick’ reconciliation, suggesting that ‘thin’ reconciliation exists among the diaspora, but that ‘thick’ reconciliation is rare. Discussion of gacaca was limited, as participants stated it did not address justice and reconciliation in Rwanda. Participants did not report any diaspora specific mechanism regarding attempts at justice and reconciliation.     

French arms, war and genocide in Rwanda

France is now the world's second largest armsexporter, and the largest supplier of weapons to thedeveloping world. The record of France's involvementin Rwanda from 1990 to 1994 has motivated the NGOlobby within France to subject French governmentpolicy – towards the developing world in general, andon arms supplies in particular – to unprecedentedscrutiny. Accordingly, the level and volume ofcriticism of French involvement in Rwanda resulted inthe first ever parliamentary commission to scrutiniseFrench military activity overseas, although this andother official inquiries stopped short of identifyingarms supplies as instrumental in exacerbating theRwandan crisis. A consideration ofFrench arms supplies to Rwanda can offer a template bywhich to measure the nature and degree of France'ssupport for the Habyarimana regime which planned, andthe Sindikubwabo interim government which oversaw, the1994 genocide in that country. Moreover, French armssupplies after France's own and the UN's arms embargodemonstrate how a process of unchecked militarisationmay involve the supplier as well as the supplied inillegality.     

Human rights violations and genocide in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

The massacres that took place in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between 1996 and 2003 have posed an interesting challenge to the global community, specifically to its more powerful members. Ironically, the Tutsi-dominated government of Rwanda enjoys international recognition and benefits based on the genocide, Rwanda suffered in 1994, but continues to deny the same benefit to Hutus as they were accused of leading a counter-genocide campaign then in the DRC. While the people of the DRC, as well as human rights activists, call for justice for all who were affected, the government of Rwanda, strongly backed by a number of powerful international powers, opposed attempts by the international community to pin charges of genocide perpetrated by its army in the DRC on it. Because of the clear negation of the genocide report by the Rwandan government, the nature of human rights, human rights violations, and genocide criteria proposed and defended by key members of the international community in relation to the mass killings in the DRC are examined.     

解读《联合国反腐败公约》——兼谈完善我国贿赂犯罪立法

<联合国反腐败公约>对贿赂犯罪的罪名体系、构成要件、反腐败中的特殊侦查、污点证人等问题作了较为详尽的规定.而我国现行刑事法律制度与之相比尚有一定差别.结合<联合国反腐败公约>规定,我们应建立相应的符合我国国情的、更加完善的贿赂犯罪罪名体系、构成要件,在刑事诉讼中引入特殊侦查、污点证人等手段完善打击贿赂犯罪的法律机制.