人的抽象与人的现实——马克思视野中的"人"

马克思视野中的“人”是人的抽象和人的现实的统一。具体表现在人的抽象是人的现实的价值评判尺度和根本方法;人的现实是人的抽象的特殊表现;人的抽象在人的现实发展中生成。马克思关于人的抽象与以往传统人学中抽象的人有着根本的区别,其出发点和归宿点不同。马克思在这个问题上的根本变革在于两者在实践基础上达到了统一。马克思关于人的抽象和人的现实关系的学理层面的意义在于,人学研究要把人学的基础理论和人的现实问题结合起来;实践层面的意义在于,以人为本要实现共性和差异、整合和分解的统一。     

我国社区治理研究中“脱节”现象的反思

我国社区治理的理论和实践研究层出不穷,但在社区治理研究和实践发展中存在着“脱节”现象,如何认识和解释此种现象成为社区治理研究中不可避免的问题。通过转型社会中我国社区治理研究现状分析,发现产生“脱节”问题的主要原因是:在社区治理理论和模式研究中存在“形式主义”风险;在社区治理实践中存在“合理无知”的公众参与现象;社区治理研究的时空适合性对实践存在着制约作用;社区治理研究的替代价值和存在价值的取向变化,以及社区治理研究的“理论实践”也影响“脱节”现象的产生。在此基础上进一步讨论了构建具有中国特色社区治理模式研究的可能,并对当前社区治理研究进行了反思与推进。     

民族复兴战略全局中的中华民族共同体建设

当代中华民族话语体系中,有两个关键词语:一是实现中华民族伟大复兴;二是铸牢中华民族共同体意识。深入研究中华民族复兴与中华民族共同体建设的关系,对于创新完善中华民族话语体系具有重要意义。民族复兴的涵义是国家富强、民族振兴、人民幸福,三者统一于复兴民族走向现代化的历史进程。与此相应,民族复兴战略全局中的中华民族共同体建设,要开拓世界历史、国家、民族、国民四个维度以形成新格局。中华民族共同体建设要兼顾规模和效率,平行推进中华民族作为民族共同体和国民共同体的建设;要在国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的整体框架中,作出相关战略布局和资源配置;作为民族共同体的建设,要铸牢中华民族共同体意识,夯实各民族共同繁荣的物质基础;作为国民共同体的建设,要从全体国民和国民个体两方面,增加扩展中华民族共同体建设的国民维度。     

推进我国选举制度建设的几点思考

选举制度建设直接关系到党的领导和执政地位的实现，关系到人民代表大会制度的发展和完善，人民当家作主权利的实现，关系到依法治国方略的贯彻实施。我国现行选举制度存在的主要问题是，制度规定过于分散，直接选举过于频繁且范围过窄，竞争不够充分，不尊重被提名人意愿，候选人介绍存在缺陷，选区划分制度不科学，选举程序不够严密，选举制度与代表制度存在冲突，代表结构比例要求与区域选举制存在冲突，救济和裁判制度不健全。选举制度建设需要顶层设计，通盘考虑，要以坚持人民主体地位、不断提高人民当家作主水平为价值导向，走法制化道路。一方面要通过改革和完善选举立法，解决现行法律制度中存在的问题，另一方面又要有意识地进行实践探索和制度创新，回应公民民主法制意识的提高对选举制度建设的要求。     

我国离婚率变动趋势及离婚态人群特征分析

从概念辨识入手,利用权威数据,描述近几十年我国离婚率和离婚态的变动趋势及水平。研究发现:我国的离婚率持续增长,超过日本与韩国;因年轻人口总量减少,可结婚人的比例下降,离婚结婚比持续上升。数据分析显示,1982年以来,我国离婚态占比单调上升:就人群特征而言,35-49岁年龄组、男性、中等教育程度人群(1990年除外)、商业服务人员和办事人员(1990年除外)离婚态占比最高,女性的离婚态占比较之男性上升趋势更为明显;就地域分布而言,各省处于离婚态人群的占比呈西高东低、北高南低趋势,东北地区及西部省区城市人群离婚态占比最高。离婚率和离婚态的持续攀升是多重制度、城镇化与市场化结构、家庭与个体特质等因素综合作用的结果。离婚不仅透视出家庭的不稳定性,损害(部分)家庭成员福祉,而且可能引发更大范围的负面效应。在尊重当事人意愿的前提下,必须从源头、过程和后果上加强对离婚行为的社会治理,减少不必要的离婚现象。     

水权与水权的界定--水资源利用的产权经济学分析

在公有水权基础上实行可交易水权制度涉及到三个重要环节,即水权的界定、水价以及水权运作规则和水资源管理,其中水权的界定是水资源市场形成和运行的前提条件,没有排他性水权的确立,水权的让渡和交易是不可能的.本文从产权经济学的理论出发,分析水权的清晰界定与水资源市场的关系,并在此基础上分析水资源利用中的各种水权关系,指出进一步界定和明晰水资源的配水量权是实现水权制度创新的前提条件.     

恩格斯晚年对马克思主义法学的新贡献

从法学角度看,恩格斯晚年创造性地运用历史唯物主义的立场和方法,巩固和发展了历史唯物主义法学理论。恩格斯系统阐发了国家和法的起源与演进理论,批判了费尔巴哈唯心主义历史观和黑格尔唯心主义法哲学,进一步阐发了历史发展的内在辩证法;根据欧洲的新形势,恩格斯主张工人阶级要将合法斗争与“非法”斗争相结合;结合巴黎公社经验,他阐述了无产阶级新型国家和法制的基本原理,反对国家崇拜;在一系列通信中,他深入阐发了法和国家对经济关系的积极反作用和相对独立性理论,批驳了社会发展的“唯经济论”。恩格斯一系列法哲学新观点,对于当今时代深入理解法与经济的关系、法的历史发展规律、法的本质及功能、法律意识形态等问题,都依然具有极为重要的指导意义。     

失势的精英及其反抗--戊戌前后湖南新旧之争的政治学分析

本文论述了戊戌变法前后湖南维新运动中精英集团的分裂以及由此衍生的社会冲突状况.湖南维新运动是一个原本富有共识的官绅集团在民族危机面前自新和自救的努力.引起这个官绅集团分裂的直接原因是伴随着省政要员的更换和一批文化新锐的到来而出现的政治权力的重新分配,更深层的原因则是维新运动的急进尤其是科举改革的启动导致了文化权力以及与之相伴生的社会政治权力的急剧倾斜.在这个过程中被侵犯和面临被淘汰的旧精英于是联合起来,利用意识形态工具和各种实际措施对维新事业展开猛烈攻击.这个事例通常被用来说明湖南地域文化的特性,但从政治学的角度看,它呈现出更具普遍意义的特征.     

The parliamentary elite in transition

Only two years after the critical elections of 27 March 1994, the Italian parliamentary election of 1996 marks another important step in the transformation of the political class. The extent of turnover is declining, and the renewal of the parliamentary elite shows some signs of stabilization. This article inquires into the differences in the sociological configuration of the new elite, and whether this means that new consolidated pathways to the parliamentary elite now already exist. The article analyzes the distribution of freshmen in the political class, the return of old backbenchers in the new political parties, the social and occupational background of MPs and, finally, their local and political experiences. In the final section, the article discusses some hypotheses about the perspectives on the recruitment of Italian MPs, focusing in particular on the effects of the structural crisis of political parties and the introduction of the plurality system. An empirically–derived typology of professionalization patterns is also provided.     

The political opportunity structure of the Dutch peace movement

This article analyses the political opportunity structure of the Dutch political system with respect to new social movements in general, and the Dutch peace movement in particular. It is shown that the prevailing strategy of the Dutch political system is one of integration, and that the dominant party on the left (the Social Democratic Party) went through a process of transformation which opened it up to the new challengers at precisely the moment when the cycle of protest of the new social movements took off. The consequences of the high degree of openness of the Dutch system are then documented on the basis of a detailed analysis of the alliance structure of the Dutch peace movement.     

The Politics of Energy Policy in the United Kingdom

This article examines the evolution of energy policy in post-war Britain. It examines the decline of the politics of production associated with the nationalised energy industries and the rise of the politics of regulation under the impact of privatisation. The article concludes with an examination of energy policy in the context of the recent debates over governance and the hollowing-out of the state.     

The Context of Priming

The existence of priming (i.e. the fact that the standards people use to make political evaluations shift in response to changes in media coverage of political issues) has become generally accepted. However, most of the evidence for the priming mechanism comes from experiments or analyses of certain specific events. This article presents evidence of priming from a longitudinal study of the Danish population's evaluation of the Danish government. The study consists of 12 measurements over four years from 1999 to 2003. The analysis indicates that priming effects are often moderated by political knowledge, but that the effect changes from case to case. The article shows that both the overall priming effects and the effect of the moderator are contingent on the political context of the priming situation. Important aspects of the moderating context are message intensity, the easiness of the issue, the politicisation of the issue, the assessment of the government's issue responsibility and the timing of the evaluation.     

Federal Jurisprudence in the Public Sphere of the Early Cape Settlement, 1652-1708

This study investigates the tenability off. Wayne Baker's viewsof theological and political federalism and the origins thereofin the thought of Heinrich Bullinger within the jurisprudentialcontext of the early Cape settlement (1652–1708). Mostauthors commenting on the ideological roots of this Dutch settlementof the middle of the seventeenth century advanced the uncriticalnotion that Dutch Calvinism determined the nature of the communityat the Cape. A critical analysis shows that the Reformed approachof federalism, flowing from Henrich Bullinger's views of thecovenant, played a much more fundamental role in this earlyformative phase of typical Cape jurisprudence. This federaljurisprudence provided a vision of legality based on the lawof God and legitimacy involving the whole of society bound tothe precepts in the Decalogue. In the final analysis, the underpinningsof the rule of law applied at the Cape settlement confirm Baker'sconclusions about the fundamental impact Bullinger's federalviews had on the Reformed world of the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies.     

Rancière,religion and the political

In the past few decades, the ‘return of the religious’ has been a recurrent theme in popular and academic discourse. From debates regarding the permissibility of religious dress and symbols in the public sphere, to questions of the integration of Muslim immigrants, concerns about the rise of the Christian Right in American politics and the role of Islam in the uprisings of the Arab Spring, a great deal of attention has been accorded to the presence of religion and religious subjects in the public sphere. Such has been the importance attached to accounting for, categorizing and contending with this phenomenon that it has attracted the attention of many of the major figures in contemporary social and political thought. However, the ideas of Jacques Rancière, one of the foremost figures in contemporary political philosophy, are noticeably absent in these discussions. In this article, I take up the task of investigating how Rancière's political philosophy can be brought to bear on debates surrounding the relationship between citizenship, religion and the political. I argue that his reconceptualization of politics, democracy and political subjectivity makes apparent the limitations, and even futility of current debates between advocates of secular universalism and those of religious pluralism, and, through assisting in the critical analysis of the public presence of religion, provide an opening for the potential emergence of alternative forms of community and political subjectivity.     

人民幸福:中国共产党人永远的历史担当

人民幸福是中国共产党人自建党之日起就铭刻在理想旗帜上的奋斗目标。为着这一伟大目标,中国共产党人作出了不懈努力、无私付出和巨大牺牲,同时也取得了伟大成就。在长期的奋斗过程中,我们看到,我们党形成的关于人民幸福的思想,成为了马克思主义理论的重要组成部分;以毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民为核心的历代中国共产党人为人民幸福进行了积极的探索和深入的实践;新时期以胡锦涛为核心的中国共产党人在科学发展观指导下赋予了人民幸福更加丰富的时代内涵,中国共产党人正昂首行进在为人民谋幸福的中国特色社会主义道路上。     

Bodies in abolition: broken hearts and open wounds

This paper explores some of connections between bodies and slavery in the antislavery discourses of the late eighteenth and the early twenty-first centuries. It focuses on representations of violence and cruelty, and on the discourses of blood, sweat and tears in the eighteenth century to interrogate the bases of the humanitarianism discourses and what it meant to ‘compassionate’ the suffering of others. It argues that the connections between slavery, the body and citizenship lie in the socialization of sentience, the ‘complicated stings’ of social death and the idea of having a secure property in the person. Some of these connections were broken by the de-historicizing move towards focusing on the vulnerability of the slave and the power of the consumer. Using the slave sugar boycotts of 1791–1792 as a particular example, the paper argues that these more complicated stories are ‘leached out’ by discourses that treat slaves only as bodies, moralize consumption and rely on a neat split between public and private at the expense of a layered understanding of citizenship and empire, and of inequality, subordination, marginalization and social conflict. The article then traces some of the ways in which this emphasis on moralized consumption and disposable bodies resurfaces in current antislavery campaigns in the twenty-first century in the rhetoric of ethical consumption, risking the same ‘leaching out’ of political analysis, hollowing out our understanding of the link between slavery and citizenship.     

党的先进性建设与多党合作制度的巩固和发展

先进性建设是中国共产党在新世纪的一项根本性建设,它与中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度有着密切的关系,关系着这一有中国特色的社会主义政党制度,即我国的基本政治制度能否更加巩固和继续发展,关系着中国共产党的执政地位能否更加巩固和执政地位是否坚强有力。从一定的意义上说,这样认识党的先进性建设问题,党的先进性建设才能确确实实地落在实处,达到通过党自身的先进性建设促进国家和社会发展的目的,实现坚持和发展多党合作和政治协商制度的目的。     

行为控制制度的数学模型与制度强度——疑罪从无制度有效条件分析

长期以来,行为控制制度研究的主要领域是政治学、制度经济学、法学、历史学等定性研究领域,而运用数学工具对其进行研究的不多。以管理实践中广泛应用的“疑罪从无”为例,给出了制度的回报概率描述与博弈树描述,制度有效条件的数学模型描述等研究方法。特别是给出了制度有效条件的数学模型,以及制度的观测力度、控制回报差异、自然回报期望值差异,行为成本差异等重要概念,指出在维持制度的有效性的前提下,这些因素之间的制约关系。这些都可以推广应用于各种制度的研究中,为制度研究提供了定量分析与统计观测的新方法。     

单位社区再组织化的网络建构逻辑——对北京市海淀区学院路街道的案例研究

社会发展需要基本的组织载体和平台,但因社会转型而导致的社会组织结构和社会组织方式的改变,使得现阶段我国单位社区出现一定程度的“去组织化”。如何打破单位社区的封闭性,实现单位社区与社区外其他组织单元结合实现再组织化,以解决基层社会治理中的成员动员、统筹协调和资源整合等问题,是当前我国基层社会治理的一个重要问题。北京市海淀区学院路街道通过区域化党建引领基层治理创新,建构了一个由党组织引领、统筹的基层治理组织间网络,其单位社区的再组织化过程就是一个基层治理网络重构的过程。借助网络分析框架,考察学院路街道的基层治理创新实践,尝试揭示转型社会中单位社区再组织化的动态过程,以丰富学界对基层治理网络及其建构过程的认识。