刍论进一步健全党员民主权利保障制度

党的十八大关于"健全党员民主权利保障制度"这一命题的提出,标志着党的制度建设发展到了"体系建设"的新阶段,揭示出发展党内民主的本质要求,昭示了加强党的执政能力建设和先进性、纯洁性建设的现实途径。改革开放以来,我们党在制度化保障党员权利方面取得了长足的进步,但也存在不足。以健全党的代表大会制度为重点建立党代表民主权利保障机制,以健全党的委员会制度为重点健全党委委员民主权利保障机制,以健全"五项制度"为重点建立普通党员民主权利保障机制,是进一步健全党员民主权利保障制度的路径选择。要通过健全党员民主权利保障制度,不断提升制度化保障党员民主权利的能力和水平,使广大党员真正在党内当家作主,共同推动党的事业蓬勃发展。     

完善党员权利保障机制,促进党的先进性建设

党的先进性是党存在的理由和基础,也是党赢得民心的必要条件。党的先进性以党员的先进性和党员的积极性为根基,以党员自觉发挥先进作用为前提。根据历史经验和执政党发展的规律,加强党的执政能力建设和加强党的先进性建设,必须建立和完善党员权利保障机制,以权利义务合一的制度结构,让党员在实践中发挥先锋模范作用。要在改革中进一步完善党员权利保障机制,建立党员在党内地位平等、权利平等、义务平等的体制平台,建设保持党的先进性的长效机制。     

落实党员权利是发展党内民主的基础

党员是党的主体。党员主体权利能否得到保障 ,决定着党内民主的实现程度。因此 ,发展党内民主的基础在于保障和落实党员的权利 ,这必须从制度上保障党员各项权利的落实。     

保障党员权利:党的先进性建设的基础工程

党员权利主要是政治权利、民主权利和工作权利,保障党员权利就是保障党组织的凝聚力和生命力。推进这项工程,要从党的先进性建设的高度,充分认识保障党员权利的必要性、重要性和紧迫性;要认真落实《党员权利保障条例》的各项规定和要求,在进一步加大政治体制改革力度的实践进程中着力搞好党内相关制度的改革和完善。     

尊重党员主体地位,保障党员民主权利

党员是党的主体,是党内事务的主人。保障党员民主权利是马克思主义政党发展党内民主的实质,是建立健全党内民主制度的基础,是新时期党内民主建设的迫切要求。从现实的党内生活来看,党员权利的实际行使和保障与党章规定之间还存在着巨大的反差。保障党员民主权利必须培育和增强党员的主体意识和权利意识、规范党内民主生活、建立充分体现党员主体地位的党内民主运行机制。     

完善党员权利保障机制问题探讨

健全党员权利保障机制是发展党内民主的基础和前提。党员权利保障机制的优劣直接决定着党内民主建设水平的高低。党员权利保障机制建设是一个系统工程,它由一系列相互影响、相互制约、相互依存的制度所构成,主要包括党内选举制度、党的代表大会制度、党的日常生活制度、党内监督制度和党员权利救济制度等。当前完善党员权利保障机制的着力点是建立和完善党内事务的咨询听证制度、党内监督制度和党员权利救济制度等。     

重视党员领导干部民主生活会质量 促进领导干部思想、工作作风转变

党员领导干部民主生活会议是党在新时期建设中建立的一项有效的民主监督制度。这对加强领导班子整体建设和增强党员领导干部自身思想改造发挥了不可多得的积极作用。每个党员领导成员都要在这一政治生活中,自觉接受党的监督和考察,在党内无论职位高低,都是普通党员,绝不容许特殊党员存在。     

保持基层党员先进性的实现形式探讨——陕西省咸阳市基层党员队伍建设的调查与思考

党员先进性的实现形式是指党员教育管理实践中采取的各种具有保障功能的方法措施、途径渠道、制度机制。有效的实现形式是加强党员先进性建设的重要保证。基层党组织在加强党的先进性建设中必须注重保持基党员先进性的实现形式的探索与构建。坚持和完善党员理论学习考核制度;在提升能力中构建教育培训机制;创新党员队伍管理制度;建立健全党员队伍的“进出”机制;构建自我查找问题的整改机制;加强支部建设,强化组织保障;在建立健全党员工作制度等方面要不断进行自主创新。     

保持基层党员先进性的实现形式探讨——陕西省成阳市基层党员队伍建设的调查与思考

党员先进性的实现形式是指党员教育管理实践中采取的各种具有保障功能的方法措施、途径渠道、制度机制.有效的实现形式是加强党员先进性建设的重要保证.基层党组织在加强党的先进性建设中必须注重保持基党员先进性的实现形式的探索与构建.坚持和完善党员理论学习考核制度;在提升能力中构建教育培训机制;创新党员队伍管理制度;建立健全党员队伍的"进出"机制;构建自我查找问题的整改机制;加强支部建设,强化组织保障;在建立健全党员工作制度等方面要不断进行自主创新.     

论党员权利保障制度建设

我党在曲折发展的成长历程中,一直不懈地致力于解决党员的权利保障问题,并努力设计合理的制度;但现有制度仍然有不少需要完善之处.按照党的十七大的新要求,保障党员权利、推进党内民主建设,必须把积极稳妥地椎进党内各项民主制度建设作为首要任务.即要确保党员言论的权利,建立意志表达机制;确保党员选举的权利,建立权威票决机制;确保党员参与决策的权利,建立共参共决机制;确保党员监督的权利,建立民主评议机制.     

以党员主体理念推进党的建设科学化

尊重党员主体地位是马克思主义政党建设的重要原则和根本价值取向。新形势下明确提出＂党员主体＂理念,反映了中国共产党对党的建设规律的深刻认识,为推进党的建设科学化拓展了新的空间。     

Conflict and cohesion in the British labour party and French communist party

The article examines the differing organisational structures and political cultures which provide the bases for cohesion in the PCF and British Labour Party. It argues that the electoral decline of the two parties since the late 1960s, and the rise of new political forces to challenge their primacy on the Left, have generated growing internal conflict in each case. Despite the greater pressures towards unity in the PCF such conflicts have threatened the existing bases of cohesion in both parties. The article concludes by considering the possibilities of surmounting the current problems.     

Surprise party

Alesina’s (Quarterly Journal of Economics 102, 651–678, 1987) influential model of presidential elections with ideologically motivated parties attributes higher growth and lower unemployment under Democratic presidents to the surprise inflation a Democratic victory entails. In contrast to the published literature, we test this hypothesis using calculations of presidential election surprises consistent with the assumption of rational economic actors. We confront the econometric complications attending a time-series approach taking into account economic growth dynamics. We ultimately fail to confirm the hypothesis that the level of uncertainty associated with presidential election results has an effect on economic outcomes.     

Partisanship and the party system

The defining properties of party identification long established for the United States fail with some frequency to be replicated in electoral systems abroad. A number of plausible suggestions have been made to account for this system-level variability: Most of these have some face merit, but none taken alone is adequate to provide a full cross-system explanation. Variation in party system size or fractionalization has recently been discussed as another source of differential dynamics of party loyalties. Unfortunately, the conventional means of assessing party identification properties are subject to rather severe artifacts, typically ignored, when comparisons are made across systems of very different party size. The conceptual stakes underlying key methods options for such comparisons—most notably, between continuous and discrete statistical tools—are examined. The use of continuous statistics for systems of very multiple parties rests on an assumption that voters do in some degree regard these party systems as imbedded in a continuous space. A simple test for this assumption is mounted in four systems and unsurprisingly it shows very clear support. Analysis of residuals beyond this obvious result add several points of less obvious information about the distribution of party affect in such systems.     

New party challenges and partisan change: The effects of party competition on party loyalty

It has long been established that changes in the electorate can have an impact on party systems, sometimes leading to the creation of new parties and the elimination of old ones. We contend, however, that changes in the party system may cause voters to reassess their party identification absent of any long-term change in the overall makeup or attitudes of the electorate. As a case in point, we demonstrate that changes in the Canadian party system in the late 1980s (specifically the advent of the right-wing Reform Party) led to a decline in party loyalty among supporters of the right-center Progressive Conservative Party. We discuss the implications of these findings for the study of party systems and partisan change.     

学习型党组织与执政党的社会知识管理能力

创新性地提出社会知识管理能力的新概念,分析了学习型党组织与社会知识管理能力之间的关系,阐述了提高执政党的社会知识管理能力的必要性,结合深圳经验就如何提高党的社会知识管理能力提出了建议。     

Adapting to party lines: the effect of party affiliation on attitudes to immigration

Public opinion on immigration is increasingly relevant for political behaviour. However, little is known about the way in which citizens’ political allegiances in turn shape their attitudes to immigration. Abundant existing evidence suggests that voters often take cues from the parties they support. Using panel data from the Netherlands and Sweden, this article investigates the dynamic relation between attitudes to immigration and party preferences. The longitudinal nature of the data allows for making stronger claims about causal mechanisms than previous cross-sectional studies. The analysis shows that voters who change their preference to the Radical Right become stricter on immigration, whereas voters changing to the Greens become less strict on immigration over time. This confirms that citizens’ support for anti- and pro-immigration parties results in a ‘radicalisation’ of their views on immigration along party lines. A similar ‘spiral’ of radicalisation can be found around the issue of European integration.     

Otto Kirchheimer and the catch-all party

Otto Kirchheimer's conception of the catch-all party was part of his more comprehensive theory of party transformation, encompassing four interrelated political processes. By tracing the development of the catch-all thesis and placing it within the wider context of Kirchheimer's complete work, it is possible to reconstruct a more precise understanding of what Kirchheimer meant by the catch-all concept, which itself remains highly contested. Kirchheimer's anxiety about modern democracy originated with what he saw as the vanishing of principled opposition within parliament and society, and the reduction of politics to the mere management of the state. This leads to collusion of political parties and the state, severing of the societal links of party organisations, and erosion of the classic separation of powers. Vanishing opposition, cartelisation and professionalisation of politics pits citizens against a powerful state, which increases political cynicism and apathy. Kirchheimer's comprehensive approach remains relevant to much of the contemporary debate about the transformation of Western political systems.