2006年《东南亚研究》目录汇编

东南亚问题评论从国际化到全球化:东南亚民族问题的时代转型陈衍德(1-4)缅甸军政府缘何迁都林锡星(1-8)论文莱独特的君主政体汪诗明王艳芬(1-13)非政府组织和印尼的政治改革郭又新(1-18)试论“老挝中立”的演变彭彬(1-22)泰国的阿卡人庞海红(1-27)东南亚地区形势:2006年曹云华(     

佛教大国的穆斯林

佛教大国的穆斯林陈开明泰国是一个佛教大国。在大多数人眼里，泰国使人联想到的是穿番红花袍的和尚，寺庙大钟和佛塔佛像。然而实际上与佛教并存的还有另一个不同的宗教———伊斯兰教。泰国有２３００多座清真寺，其中１００多座建在曼谷。几世纪以来，泰国的伊斯兰教一...     

泰国文官制度简介

泰国是东南亚地区最早实行文官制度的国家之一。据泰国内政部人口统计,1987年泰国总人口约为5,100万人,但各类文官总数却达799,491人(不包括在国营企业内任职的271,075名正式和临时雇员),平均约64个泰国公民中就有一个文官。     

泰国“成龙”尚需假以时日

近一个时期,国内新闻界和学术界颇有一阵“泰国热”,认为泰国已经“成龙”或即将“成龙”。当然也有不同看法。其实,泰国人自己就有异议。前不久,泰国一位老学者在广东就直言不讳地指出,泰国“成龙”热盖由新闻界吹起来的。去年,泰国学者瓦拉帕·多塔纳甲盛博士就比曾为《沙炎叻报》特刊撰文,提出比较客观的看法。他认为:     

从文物遗址看佛教在泰国的传播

泰国素有“黄袍佛国”的称呼 ,全国人口的 95 %以上信仰佛教 ,全国共有佛寺 32 ,0 0 0所 ,僧侣 30万人。泰国宪法规定 :“泰国国王 ,必须是佛教徒及佛教的护持者 ,才可以登基为王。”佛教在泰国社会生活中占有很重要的地位。可以说 ,不了解佛教 ,便不能真正了解泰国。笔者利用在泰国任教的机会 ,跑遍泰国 73府 ,考察了重要的文物遗址 ,再参阅、参证中、泰文史籍 ,为各历史时期佛教在泰国的传播和发展勾勒出一个大致的轮廓。     

泰国政治发展的社会学分析--结构变化、精英选择与政治发展

1932年以来,泰国社会结构的变化为人们理解其政治发展提供了一个很好的线索.长时间的以小农主导地位、以保护人-被保护人关系为主要特征的社会结构为泰国军人统治提供了基础.而工商集团的逐渐崛起及其对权利和政治参与的要求,消解了军人专制统治的基础,加大了军人统治的成本,推动着军人统治逐渐放松对社会的控制,成为泰国民主政治发展的一个重要动力.而泰国精英对民主价值的选择和坚定追求则成为泰国社会结构变化推动民主政治发展的转换枢纽,直接推动了泰国民主政治的发展.     

英国东南亚贸易攷察团报告书

泰国 泰国拥有大概和法国同样大小的面積,人口有2,500万人,其中90％从事于農业。土地肥沃,居民健康,虔信宗教,滿足于当前的生活,但对政治和經济的變化不太關心。泰国采取君主立憲政体,在东南亚國家中是一个从未淪为殖民地的国家。 首都曼谷是一个现代化的都市,它大量吸收了     

试析《三国演义》在泰国的传播效果——从跨文化文学传播“反馈”的视角

反馈对于跨文化文学传播非常重要。一个良好的反馈可以决定一部文学作品是否能够被异文化语境中的读者真正接受,是使传播达到最佳效果的关键一环。《三国演义》在泰国的传播是文学跨文化传播的经典个案,通过"把关人"、"意见领袖"带动的积极反馈,以及由此激发的"创新扩散",《三国演义》在泰国获得了高度的认可和接受,并成功地内化到泰国本土文化之中。     

当前泰国人的中国观

本文是对泰国450位各类人员进行问卷调查后写出的一篇调查报告,目的是了解泰国人对中国的看法.调查结果发现,泰国人对中国的看法基本上是正面的,但也反映出值得中国认真注意的一些负面看法.例如泰国人仍在很大程度上对中国不信任;对中国国内某些社会问题表示担忧;对中国人的文明行为评价较低;对中国的对泰政策表示不满,认为中国不够重视泰国,中国在中泰自由贸易中占了便宜.调查报告对这些问题进行了分析,并提出了一些看法和建议.     

再论泰国的社会结构变化、精英选择与政治发展

泰国独特的社会意识结构决定了泰国政治发展的特色.泰国独特的社会意识结构包括主-仆关系结构与德行信仰两个方面,两个方面的共同特点是强烈的物质化倾向,这一点为理解泰国政坛的频繁变换提供了一个很好的线索,也提供了预期泰国政治发展的一个思路.     

Promises of an impossible compromise: conceded constitutions in Europe, 1814–1906

The enactment of a constitution through the method of ‘concession’, as it was used in Europe between the Napoleonic wars and World War I, indicates that a hitherto absolute ruler understood the need for a higher level of institutionalization and collective exercise of state power, but mistrusted institutionalized and collective processes, which would define the level needed. In other word, a ‘concession’ comprehended an imminent contradiction. Drafting an enduring constitution is a complex and difficult task, which requires consensus- building on a wide scale through collective procedures. However, a ruler who ‘concedes’ implicitly denies any kind of collective constitution-making, which could get out of the ruler’s control. Instead rulers preferred a non-inclusive approach, using court advisors and/or ministers appointed by the ruler, to draft the constitutional text. The European experience analyzed in this article shows that popular involvement through representative procedures (such as the election of a constituent assembly) in the making of a constitution can improve its chances for endurance through time and create a political environment more favourable for the constitution to achieve normative quality, instead of remaining essentially a false promise.     

The ‘heart’ of Eurasia? Kazakhstan's centrally located capital city

In a world still dominated by a geopolitical system of territorial states, one tool in the state- and nation-building repertoire is the strategy of moving a capital from one city to another, and to an ostensibly more ‘central’ location of a geometrically conceived territory. From Ankara to Brasília, the technique has been used in a variety of places around the world, and Kazakhstan's new capital since 1997, Astana, is one more recent iteration. Taking a Foucauldian approach to analysing political technologies of government, the author examines the strategy of the centrally located city and considers how it has been instrumental to simultaneously producing a ‘state effect’ and a ‘territory effect’ in newly independent Kazakhstan. Part of a larger mixed-methods study, this article draws on a diverse range of methods, including data from interviews, participant observation, textual analysis, focus groups and a country-wide survey.     

The foreign policy and diplomatic attributes of a developmental state: South Africa as case study

With South Africa having declared itself a developmental state, this paper posits that if a developmental state is one that drives development, then the foreign policy of such a state should pursue development as one of its most important goals. Similarly the diplomatic corps of such a state should prioritise economic, commercial, para- and public diplomacy as drivers of diplomacy. In answering the question, ‘What should be the foreign policy and diplomatic attributes of a developmental state?’, the authors, through an exploratory approach, seek to analyse how well the state has fared in achieving this objective. To be a successful developmental state, a strategic capacity should exist and a clear strategic conception of the state's national interest should be formulated. Old paradigms about the role and functions of the diplomatic corps are challenged and a meritocratic diplomatic corps is strongly advocated to support the state's declared developmental goals.     

Elite Relations in Germany

Traditionally, Germany has had a segmented elite with little interchange between economic, cultural, political and military elites. Although borderlines have become somewhat more permeable (except for military elites), the professionalisation of politics as a career has led to a political class in a static sense, that is, when it comes to securing common privileges. Political decisions, however, are not controlled by a unified political class but are the result of a complex decision making process involving a wide range of elites extending beyond the political class.     

South Africa's Iran policy: ‘Poster child’ meets renegade

Compliance with universal norms is one of the most important aspects of the global order. Iran, through the conduct of its nuclear programme, is seen as a challenger of the global non-proliferation norms, which enjoy almost universal recognition. South Africa's policy on Iran has been extremely puzzling — a rising power in the international system, subscribing to a global norm of nuclear non-proliferation, but challenging the interpretation and application of that norm. This contribution asks why this is the case, and demonstrates that South Africa's policy towards the Iranian nuclear programme has been clearly marked by a strongly held belief regarding the value of negotiations, a distrust of the global North, and a preference for a wide multilateral approach in institutions.     

The rise of a hesitant EU host? Examining the Greek migrant integration policy and its transformation during the crisis

Greece lately, as a result of the crisis, has been transformed from a migrant receiving (host) country to a simultaneously migrant sending and receiving one. At the same time, processes of migrant de-integration from the economy and society have been manifesting too. This paper attempts to draw light on Greek migrant integration policy, which through the years has been characterized by a contradiction between policy narratives and concrete actions on the ground. More specifically, this paper brings to the fore a policy change that occurred during the period 2012–2015 and possibly continues up to now. According to this policy shift, special emphasis was put on the acquisition of the European long-term resident status from the part of already settled migrants as a passport to their intra-European mobility. Politically speaking, such developments were heralded as a win–win situation for both migrants, but also, Greece as a host country. Nevertheless, this rise of a hesitant EU host, who turned its integration policy into a managing migration endeavour, might be indicative of broader tendencies and trends within an expanded EU migratory landscape that includes both migration, but lately most importantly, asylum too.     

GEORGE W. BUSH AND ASIA: IN THE SHADOW OF 11 SEPTEMBER

Traditionally seen as a President consumed by the war on terror, George W. Bush is frequently portrayed as being relatively uninterested in Asia, and unable to outline a vision or a strategy to China, America’s Asian allies and Asian multilateral mechanisms. This article will revisit Bush’s policy on Asia and show a president who guided the United States with a policy that balanced the need to combat global terrorism and locate a focus on Asia. He faced the dilemmas of building cooperative relations with a rising China while trying to foster American alliances and partnerships in Asia, and managing the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Utilizing qualitative content analysis as the main research method, the article will demonstrate that the Bush administration had not a lack of focus on Asia and that Bush’s diplomacy to Asia should be recognized as one of the most significant achievements of his presidency.     

Chick lit politics in a post-truth era: tricksters,blessees and postfeminist girlpower in Angela Makholwa’s The Blessed Girl

The possibility of an emancipated politics in chick lit novels remains a contested question among postfeminist critics. Drawing on definitions of postfeminism as a transnational sensibility, this article examines South African chick lit in relation to what has been termed post-truth or trickster politics in the context of the rise of politicians, such as Donald Trump. I read Angela Makholwa’s novel The Blessed Girl as an example of African chick lit that features a blessee narrator, a young woman who lives a luxurious lifestyle financed by older men, who is deeply influenced by a Trumpian mode of self-making. By employing a trickster aesthetic and narrative strategies, such as unreliable narration and reader address, the novel, I argue, however also unsettles established parameters of neoliberal girlpower, moving beyond its assumed anti-politicalness, as well as a simple understanding of the blessee figure through either a lens of victimhood or amorality.     

‘Belmopan. A New Capital for a New Nation’ State,Nation and Ethnicity at the Time of Independence

In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national ‘us’ and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of ‘divide and rule’. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of ‘citizenship from below’.