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黄军甫 《中国浦东干部学院学报》2013,(1):34-38
俄国马克思主义的先驱普列汉诺夫十月革命后不久便离开人世。但他在留给后人的《政治遗嘱》中对布尔什维克党及苏维埃政权的分析、评价及对它们未来走向的预测,与后来的事实惊人的一致。普列汉诺夫的历史洞察力是基于对马克思主义理论、对十月革命这一历史事件的总体把握,更是基于他对俄国特有的亚细亚社会政治、经济及文化结构的深入考察。从这... 相似文献
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苏联文化政策由列宁奠定基础。在列宁的理论遗产中,文化问题占有极其重要的位置。列宁在他生命的最后时刻更是把文化建设摆在他思想中的首位,把它同无产阶级夺取政权、组织好社会主义国家机器和工农业生产的社会主义改造这样一些革命的关键性任务相提并论。列宁还提出文化革命的理论,把它看作是苏联进行社会主义建设的指导性方针。列宁认为组织文化和发展文化是苏维埃国家最重要和最有决定意义的功能,他强调必须对文化建设进行规划和监督:“我们没有权利袖手旁观,听任混乱随意蔓延。我们必须做到 相似文献
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超越历史阶段是苏共失败的最大教训。超阶段思想从列宁在1917年二月革命后提出的《四月提纲》关于革命性质的转变即已开始,由此导致十月革命后向社会主义直接过渡。 相似文献
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一、在夺取政权的斗争中只能实行集中制 在谈到党内民主问题时,通常都把民主与集中作为一对矛盾。实际上,民主与集中各有其对立面:民主的对立面是专制,集中的对立面则是分散,然而这两对矛盾又是密切相连的。 在俄国社会民主党第二次代表大会前后,针对党内的分散的小组习气,针对俄国处于沙皇专制暴力统治之下,列宁主张建立一个以职业革命家为核心的无产阶级政党,在党内实行由铁 相似文献
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1917年十月革命后列宁在俄国进行的社会主义实践显示,作为落后国家的共产党人,他相信可以人为地创造先进的生产关系,进而改造提升落后的生产力,以实现社会主义.基于这一认识,列宁不可避免地过分强调了革命和暴力的作用,并且对阶级斗争和无产阶级专政学说作了进一步的发挥.列宁生前虽然没有能够成功地建成“社会主义社会”,但是,他对社会主义本质的理解和主张,却影响了以后几乎所有落后国家的共产党人.值得注意的一点是,列宁对社会主义的基本认识,虽然与马克思、恩格斯原先的设想有所不同,却还是在相当程度上依然继承了马克思的某些思想和主张. 相似文献
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管理机关职能和权力的结构考虑得无论怎么样周密,它的规章制度制订得无论怎么样精细,但这还不是管理机关工作效率的保证。机关的任何层次工作的成就,工作的作风主要是靠机关的全体工作人员。所以说,最后决定一切的是人,是机关里的干部,特别是领导干部。因此,加强对干部的培养有很大意义,也非常重要。列宁在联共(布)第九次代表大会上发言时说;“在夺取政权之后……工人阶级必须增加本阶级出身的管理人员。开办学校,由国家大力培养工作干部”。列宁还曾多次重复这样一种 相似文献
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"第二次转型"的理论向度与原社会主义国家转型的多样性——以普京时代的俄罗斯制度转型为例 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
对于俄罗斯而言,叶利钦时代与普京时代的转型既是一个延续的过程,但又呈现出截然不同的面貌,体现出一定的断裂性.自上个世纪90年代和本世纪初开始,俄罗斯改革的目标,至少在口头宣示上,与其说是从极权体制向民主制度以及从计划经济向市场经济转型,不如说是要从叶利钦时代转型形成的制度陷阱--非效率制度均衡中脱离开来,试图通过增加国家能力的途径建立新的效率制度均衡.运用"第二次转型"的理论范畴有助于全面认识发生在俄罗斯的由传统体制向现代民主政治和市场经济的转化以及与此相伴的社会转型进程,能够对叶利钦时代俄罗斯之所以败、普京时代俄罗斯之所以兴提供一种新的解释,同时,这也表明原社会主义国家转型具有丰富的多样性. 相似文献
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Stanley Bach 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2008,54(4):545-561
This essay explores the development of L.F. Crisp's understanding of the appropriate role of Australia's Senate in the national political system. A review of his widely‐used textbook over three decades reveals that, to Crisp, the Senate was conceived primarily to protect state interests, but that role was nullified almost immediately by the emergence of disciplined parties. Thereafter, the Senate usually was an ineffectual irrelevancy until the introduction of proportional representation transformed it into a threat to the constitutional system as it should operate. Crisp also appreciated that disciplined parties undermined effective control of government by the House of Representatives, yet he consistently failed to recognize in the Senate an institution capable of doing what the House of Representatives cannot: enforcing accountability on the government of the day. 相似文献
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Monika Prützel‐Thomas 《German politics》2013,22(3):112-127
The handling of the property question in the German unification process and Treaty has met with harsh criticism by east Germans and west Germans alike, unifying, for once, both radical and liberal left, as well as some conservatives. Conservative groups in the west were up in arms about the Treaty's recognition of the land reform under Soviet occupation, while the majority of people in the east and also the western left brandished the principle ‘restitution before compensation’ as a major obstacle to investment in the east. This article argues that restitution did not have the significance that is often claimed. In reality the situation was much more complex, and many other factors than the possible restitution of property were responsible for the slower than expected economic recovery of the east. 相似文献
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Robert Sharlet 《后苏联事务》2013,29(1):1-39
An American political scientist and constitutional scholar recounts the development, and analyzes the procedures and backstage activities, of Russia's highest judicial body. The study, based in part on personal interviews, traces the constitutional court's political influence up through the pivotal conflict between the Parliament's Speaker Khasbulatov and President Yel'tsin during the last week of March 1993. In addition to major decisions, notably that which followed 52 sessions from May 26 to December 16, 1992 devoted to the trial of the CPSU, the narrative focuses on the role of Chief Justice Zor'kin. Also discussed are the court's legislative mandate, its expanding caseload and legal shortcomings. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H11, K10, K41, P20. 相似文献
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Sidney Verba 《German politics》2015,24(3):234-248
This article traces the origins of the concept of political culture within the study of comparative politics. After revisiting the circumstances under which it developed, the article highlights some of the key factors that set it apart from other studies in its era – its theoretical exploration of stable democracy, its systematically comparative focus and its use of sample surveys of public opinion. The article shows how these factors were refined and improved in subsequent work on political equality. Overall, it concludes that the basic formulation of The Civic Culture – of congruence between mass attitudes and the type of political system – will be retained and will continue to make a mark upon the future trajectory of comparative research on public opinion. 相似文献
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