Revisiting DDR in Liberia: exploring the power,agency and interests of local and international actors in the ‘making’ and ‘unmaking’ of combatants

The understanding that disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programmes are essential in helping to prevent war recurrence in post-conflict situations is at the heart of current international aid practice and the academic literature on peacekeeping and stabilisation. However DDR programmes are often launched on the basis of untested assumptions. This article considers the DDR programme in Liberia and analyses the complex relationship between the programmatic efforts to disarm and reintegrate combatants and the programme's actual effects. If we are to understand how DDR works as a tool of post-conflict governance, it is essential to explore the mechanisms of authority and power at stake. The focus is therefore not on whether combatants were successfully disarmed and reintegrated, but rather on exploring unfolding processes and the field of forces within which DDR programmes are implemented. It critically assesses the ideas of disarmament and reintegration and the basic assumptions behind current DDR policy through an analysis of the Liberian case, emphasising the agency and interests of local and international actors in the ‘making’ and ‘unmaking’ of combatants.     

From ‘Christians doing development’ to ‘doing Christian development’: the changing role of religion in the international work of Tearfund

This article seeks to bring more nuance to recent discussions about the role of faith in religious development NGOs. It takes an in-depth look at Tearfund, a leading Evangelical development NGO, and explores the ways in which faith shapes its conceptualisation of development, its programme design, and its implementation strategy. The article traces the process through which Tearfund actively sought to bring faith into the centre of its development work, and argues that grappling with faith in this way can lead religious development NGOs to innovate new approaches to development that are at least somewhat outside of mainstream development thinking.     

‘Bread and butter’ human rights: NGOs in Fiji

While ‘rights-based’ approaches to development – those in which development and poverty alleviation are viewed through the lens of human rights – have become the language of choice among the international development community, less is known about how human rights are used for development at the local level. Using a case study of Fiji, this research investigates how local NGOs understand and use human rights for development. It demonstrates some of the tensions involved in translating broad and supposedly universal approaches to human rights into local contexts.     

In the name of ‘underdeveloped’ Adibashi: the politics of NGOs and the Munda in Bangladesh

This paper aims to unpack the politics of NGO activism with the Munda – a minority Adibashi group in Bangladesh. In addition to offering microcredit, NGOs launched educational and awareness building programmes for the Adibashi. Most notably, the Munda are not content to blindly follow the instructions of NGOs – namely, to get educated, find a white-collar job, and develop identity politics – to improve their socio-economic and political positions. Rather, there is growing awareness among the Munda to gather knowledge, which helps them to consciously educate themselves to undertake new activities to improve their condition by interacting with wider society.

Au nom des Adibashis « sous-développés » : les dimensions politiques des ONG et des Mundas au Bangladesh

Cet article cherche à analyser les dimensions politiques de l'activisme des ONG auprès des Mundas – un groupe minoritaire d'Adibashis au Bangladesh. En plus de proposer des microcrédits, les ONG ont lancé des programmes éducatifs et de sensibilisation destinés aux Adibashis. L'aspect le plus remarquable est que les Mundas ne veulent pas suivre aveuglément les instructions des ONG – à savoir suivre une éducation, trouver un emploi dans un bureau et développer des convictions politiques auxquelles s'identifier – afin d'améliorer leur situation socio-économique et politique. Au lieu de cela, on observe une prise de conscience croissante parmi les Mundas qui les pousse à rassembler des connaissances, ce qui les aide à s'éduquer consciemment afin de pouvoir entreprendre de nouvelles activités leur permettant d'améliorer leur condition en entrant en interaction avec la société dans son ensemble.

En nombre de los adibashi “subdesarrollados”: las políticas de las ONG y los munda en Bangladesh

El presente artículo pretende desmenuzar las políticas que sustentan las acciones llevadas a cabo por las ong con los munda –un grupo minoritario de adibashi en Bangladesh. Además de ofrecer esquemas de microcrédito, las ong impulsaron programas educacionales y de concientización para los adibshi. Sin embargo, cabe hacer notar que los munda no se conforman con seguir ciegamente las instrucciones de las ong –centradas en la educación, en encontrar un empleo de “cuello blanco” y en desarrollar políticas de identidad– para mejorar su situación socioeconómica y política. Por el contrario, entre los munda existe una creciente conciencia acerca de la necesidad de acumular conocimientos que les ayuden a educarse conscientemente, lo que les permitirá emprender nuevas actividades que mejoren su situación relacionándose con la sociedad más amplia.

Em nome da comunidade “subdesenvolvida” de Adibashi: as políticas de ONGs e do Munda de Bangladesh

Este artigo visa examinar as políticas do ativismo de ONGs com o Munda – grupo minoritário Adibashi em Bangladesh. Além de oferecer microcrédito, as ONGs lançaram programas educacionais e de conscientização dos Adibashi. Sobretudo, o Munda não está disposto a seguir cegamente as instruções das ONGs – isto é, estudar, encontrar um emprego administrativo e desenvolver políticas de identidade – para melhorar suas posições sócio-econômicas e políticas. Em vez disto, há uma conscientização crescente entre os participantes do Munda para obter conhecimento, que os ajude a ensiná-los conscientemente para que realizem novas atividades para melhorar suas condições através de uma interação com a sociedade mais geral.     

Obstacles to NGOs’ accountability to intended beneficiaries: the case of ActionAid

While NGO accountability is widely discussed in the literature, there has been little work done on how accountability systems operate in practice. This article aims to address this gap by using qualitative empirical data to provide a case study of one NGO’s initiative in this area. ActionAid has made substantial, high-profile efforts to improve its downward accountability since 2000. Using data from fieldwork conducted in Uganda and internationally, the article reveals the operational obstacles which have hindered ActionAid in its attempts to strengthen its accountability to intended beneficiaries at the community level, and reviews ActionAid’s ongoing commitment to this goal.     

‘No‐party’ politics and local democracy in Africa: Rawlings’ Ghana in the 1990s and the ‘Ugandan model’

Ghana's decentralised form of administration run by elected District Assemblies was created in 1989 by Jerry Rawlings’ military government. As in Uganda under Museveni's National Resistance Council regime, it was inspired by populist theories of participatory, community‐led democracy which idealised the consensual character of ‘traditional’ village life and rejected the relevance of political parties. The Assemblies remain by law ‘no‐party’ institutions, notwithstanding Ghana's transition to multi‐party constitutional democracy in 1992. Their performance since 1989 is examined in the light of the question: to what extent can the Ugandan ‘no‐party’ model continue within a context of party competition, given that it assumes the all‐inclusive and non‐conflictual character of community politics? The conclusion is that the contradictions between the no‐party consensual model, de facto ruling party domination and the reality of local conflict have created significant difficulties for the Assembly system. Participation has declined and conflict‐resolution been made more difficult, whilst the legitimacy and transparency of resource decisions have been undermined.     

Putting the nation back into ‘the international’

Alex Callinicos and Justin Rosenberg have both drawn on the concept of uneven and combined development to resolve what they see as deficiencies in international relations theory: in the case of the former, the absence of a non-realist explanation for the persistence of the states system; in the case of the latter, the absence of a sociological dimension to geopolitics. However, Callinicos omits any consideration of the ‘combined’ aspect of uneven and combined development, while Rosenberg ascribes characteristics of transhistoricity and internationality to uneven and combined development which it does not possess. Against attempts to either restrict or over-extend use of the concept, I will argue that its theoretical usefulness depends on understanding the limits of its spatial and chronological reach. An alternative, if still partial, explanation for the continued existence of the states system will emphasize the continuing indispensability of nationalism as a means of both containing class conflict within capitalist states and mobilizing support for ‘national capitals’ engaged in geoeconomic and geopolitical competition.     

Moving beyond rethinking the ‘state of the state’: to the challenge of reshaping international contributions to peace operations

The need for an accurate understanding of the environment into which peace- and capacity-building missions are deployed cannot be overstated. Suppositions about the mission environment inform every facet of an intervention's design and implementation, in addition to expectations surrounding success. Yet this critical element continues to be misunderstood by those most in need of an accurate grasp, a condition which severely undermines the war to peace transition. Rather than continuing to assume that recipient ‘states’ are states in the Western sense of the term, we must instead focus our energies on how best to enable sustainable peace in the hybrid political orders which do in fact constitute these troubled places. After setting out the largely unrecognised characteristics of recipient societies, the article explores alternative forms of assistance with promise to complement such realities.     

Linking local rice processors’ access to rural radio,gender, and livelihoods in Benin

In a context of low literacy rates and a high level of rurality, the use of rural radio in agricultural extension is a method that can bridge the gap that exists between researchers, extension workers, and farmers. This article examines the level of farmers’ access to rural radio in relation to gender and livelihoods. The study was conducted in Benin with 18 rural radio stations and 240 rice processors, using the sustainable livelihoods framework to examine the relationship between access to rural radio and livelihoods. Although the study cannot draw conclusions on causal relationships, rice processors who often listened to agricultural broadcasts had better social, financial, and human capital stocks compared to those who did not. Despite the efforts of 72% of the radio stations to link up with extension services, half of the rice processors rarely or never listened to agricultural broadcasts, because the timing of the broadcasts was inappropriate. Interactive radio sessions with farmers that involve government officials will need to address this if they are to become more effective.     

‘Cracking collaboration’ between NGOs and academics in development research

This note argues that NGOs and academics are increasingly being pushed to collaborate by their respective ‘impact’ agendas. And a growing number of individuals who traverse both worlds are advocates for a much closer relationship to facilitate the theory-data interaction that lies at the heart of knowledge creation in international development. But different cultures and institutional constraints create challenges in making this collaboration work. A number of practical pointers are outlined for overcoming these obstacles, arguing that keeping the ultimate beneficiaries in focus is the best foundation for constructing a shared agenda in development research.

« Résoudre la collaboration » entre les ONG et les universitaires dans la recherche en matière de développement

Cette note soutient que les ONG et les universitaires sont de plus en plus incités à collaborer par leurs ordres du jour liés à l'« impact » respectifs. Et un nombre croissant d'individus qui appartiennent aux deux milieux préconisent une relation beaucoup plus étroite afin de faciliter l'interaction théorie-données qui est au centre même de la création de connaissances dans le développement international. Mais les cultures différentes et les contraintes institutionnelles engendrent des difficultés au moment d'assurer le bon fonctionnement de cette collaboration. Un certain nombre de conseils pratiques sont proposés pour surmonter ces obstacles, et on soutient que la meilleure fondation pour la construction d'un ordre du jour commun dans la recherche pour le développement consiste à garder en tête qui sont les bénéficiaires.

Resolviendo las dificultades a nivel de la colaboración entre ong y académicos en la investigación para el desarrollo

La presente nota sostiene que, cada vez más, las ong y los académicos son impulsados a colaborar entre ellos debido a sus respectivas agendas de “impacto”. Asimismo, un creciente grupo de personas que conoce ambos ámbitos aboga por el establecimiento de una relación aún más estrecha, a fin de facilitar la interacción entre teoría y realidad, meollo de la creación de conocimientos en el ámbito del desarrollo internacional. Sin embargo, las diferentes culturas y las limitantes institucionales generan impedimentos para el funcionamiento de dicha colaboración. El artículo establece un bosquejo de ayudas prácticas que posibilitarían eliminar dichos impedimentos, sosteniendo que mantener presentes a los beneficiarios últimos constituye el mejor cimiento para la construcción de una agenda compartida en el ámbito de la investigación para el desarrollo.

“Colaboração com fissuras” entre ONGs e acadêmicos na pesquisa sobre desenvolvimento

Esta nota argumenta que as ONGs e os acadêmicos estão cada vez mais sendo pressionados para colaborar através de suas respectivas agendas de “impacto”. E um número crescente de indivíduos que atravessam ambos os mundos são defensores de uma relação muito mais próxima para promover a interação entre teoria-dados que permanece no centro da criação de conhecimento no desenvolvimento internacional. Mas diferentes culturas e restrições institucionais criam desafios para a realização desse trabalho de colaboração. Vários indicadores práticos são apresentados para se superar esses obstáculos, argumentando que manter em foco os beneficiários finais é a melhor base para construirmos uma agenda compartilhada na pesquisa sobre desenvolvimento.     

The perils of ‘going local’: liberal peace-building agendas in Nepal

Responding to recent critiques, foreign aid organisations are increasingly ‘going local’ in their operations in order to integrate local actors into their peace-building and aid projects. This is done under the belief that entering into partnerships directly with grassroots actors will increase local autonomy in joint ventures, thus empowering locals as agents of change both during and after the project period. But despite its normative and conceptual appeal, we argue that this model is not workable in practice and cannot be under the current structural conditions of the international aid environment. This is due to a fundamental disconnect between the conceptualisation and rationale of ‘going local’ and the structural and institutional frameworks within which ‘local ownership’ is supposed to be operationalised and implemented. This paper uses the example of Nepal to illustrate that this disconnect not only prevents foreign aid organisations from reaching their stated goals, but exacerbates the very problems that ‘going local’ is supposed to address.     

‘Makeweight in the balance’: Italian diplomatic documents, 1893–95

I Documenti Diplomatici Italiani, seconda seria, 1870–1895, vol.xxvi (Dec. 1893‐March 1895), edited by Ministero degli Affari Esteri. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1999. lxxvii + 751 pp. Price not obtainable.     

‘Communication’ in the era of ‘Empire’ and ‘multitude’

SUMMARY

Politics has been described as “an aggregate of persons in a power perspective of elaborated demands and expectations”. From this the collective nature of politics can be clearly seen. Without communication, however, no collective action is possible and consequently no political action. Based on this politics can be seen as the continuous defining of collective action in the context of mutual power relations in which there are differences (inter alia of objectives and methods) and consequently conflict over the allocation of scarce resources. Even though there has been an early interest in the relationship between politics and communication, e.g. Aristoteles and Julius Caesar with his Acta Diurna, systematic study of the relationship between communication and politics and the generation and regulation of conflict is of recent nature. A review of the literature on the theory and research in the field of political communication indicates it to be of original interest to researchers from fields such as journalism, mass communication, political science and speech communication. Recently, however, political communication emerged as a field on its own worthy of its recognition as a subdiscipline of communication science: it is recognized by professional bodies like the International Communication Association it is a separate area for research, teaching and for publication of journals devoted to it.     

‘The camp’ and ‘the lesser evil’: humanitarianism in Sri Lanka

This article examines the 2009 humanitarian disaster in Sri Lanka through fieldwork conducted at the time and through theoretical lenses supplied by Arendt, Foucault and Agamben. The article suggests that this catastrophe represents a salutary example of the consequences of promoting a ‘lesser evil’ in the context of a government-fuelled human rights disaster. In line with Arendt's critique of the ‘lesser evil’, the case illustrates the limits to prioritising compromise, quietude and ‘access’. At the same time, while ‘democracy’ and ‘terror’ have frequently been posed as opposites, this tragedy shows how democratic forces, nationally and even internationally, can embrace something that approximates to Agamben's ‘camp’, a state of emergency in which entire groups of people lose their rights and can, at the extreme, be killed with impunity. Meanwhile, a pervasive official language of ‘care’ and ‘humanitarianism’ (corresponding to Foucault's politics of ‘life’) not only proved entirely consistent with ethnic cleansing and the large-scale killing of civilians; it also actively assisted in this endeavour by creating a smokescreen behind which massacres could be carried out.     

Small states and the ‘throughput’ legitimacy of international organizations

Abstract

The unequal participation of member states in international organizations (IOs) undermines IOs’ legitimacy as global actors. Existing scholarship typically makes this assessment by referencing a combination of input—the interests IOs serve—and output—the decisions they take. This scholarship does not, however, pay enough attention to how IOs have responded to these concerns. We argue that IOs have used the participation of small states—whose membership most studies typically ignore—as an important means of generating what Vivian Schmidt calls ‘throughput’ legitimacy for their operations. We organize our analysis of ‘throughput’ legitimacy in IOs around four institutional mechanisms—(1) agenda setting; (2) leadership (s)election; (3) management and operation; and (4) service delivery—in which all states seek to exert influence. What emerges is an account of IOs seeking to balance ‘inputs’ and ‘outputs’ by way of ‘throughputs’. We conclude by arguing for an expanded focus on the means by which IOs generate ‘throughput’ legitimacy in future research.     

Overcoming the weight of history: ‘Getting to yes’ in the Peru‐Ecuador border dispute

This article presents and analyzes the elements of the Western Hemisphere's longest standing boundary dispute and the crucial role of the region's oldest multilateral conflict resolution mechanism in working out an historic agreement in October 1998. Other factors in combination were also critical for success: an existing international legal framework, multilevel bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, decisive leadership and statecraft, and public diplomacy. The analysis suggests that the final settlement is a significant milestone in international diplomacy, demonstrating that even the most deeply ingrained differences between states can be resolved by the patient and persistent efforts of all parties involved.     

Identity and learning in international volunteerism: ‘Sport for Development and Peace’ internships

Young sportspersons now serve abroad within the ‘Sport for Development and Peace’ (SDP) movement. Drawing on interviews with former interns from Commonwealth Games Canada's Canadian Sports Leadership Corps programme, this study explored what interns brought to, and learnt from, international SDP service. Interns confronted notions of expertise and privilege and, in some cases, considered the limits of Northern development stewardship. Interns also experienced a sense of ‘First World guilt’ that secured their sense of self at the expense of deeper engagements with inequality and struggles for development justice. Based on these findings, recommendations for supporting future volunteers are considered.

Identité et apprentissage dans le volontariat international : stages « Sport for Development and Peace »

De jeunes sportifs sont désormais actifs à l'étranger dans le cadre du mouvement « Sport for Development and Peace » (SDP - Sport pour le développement et la paix ). Sur la base d'entretiens avec d'anciens stagiaires du programme du Groupe canadien de leadership dans le sport des Jeux du Commonwealth Canada, cette étude a examiné ce que les stagiaires ont apporté au service SDP et ont appris de ce dernier. Les stagiaires se sont confrontés aux notions de connaissances spécialisées et de privilège et, dans certains cas, ont réfléchi aux limites de la gestion du développement émanant du Nord. Les stagiaires ont aussi ressenti une mesure de « culpabilité du Premier Monde » qui a renforcé leur sentiment de soi aux dépens d'engagements plus approfondis contre l'inégalité et de luttes pour la justice en matière de développement. Sur la base de ces conclusions, des recommandations pour soutenir les volontaires futurs sont considérées.

Identidade e Aprendizado no Voluntariado Internacional: Estágios do Esporte para Desenvolvimento e Paz

Jovens esportistas agora atuam no exterior dentro do movimento “Esporte para Desenvolvimento e Paz” (SDP). Baseando-se em entrevistas com antigos internos do programa “Canadian Sports Leadership Corps” do Commonwealth Games Canada, este estudo examinou a contribuição dos internos ao serviço do SDP internacional e o que eles aprenderam com este serviço. Os internos confrontaram noções de conhecimento e privilégio e, em alguns casos, consideraram os limites da liderança do desenvolvimento do hemisfério norte. Os internos também vivenciaram uma sensação de “culpa do Primeiro Mundo” que assegurou a consciência do seu eu às custas de engajamentos mais profundos com desigualdade e lutas por justiça de desenvolvimento. Com base nestes resultados, as recomendações para apoiar voluntários futuros são consideradas.

Identidad y aprendizaje en el voluntariado internacional: pasantías del programa Deportes para el Desarrollo y la Paz

Actualmente varios deportistas jóvenes cooperan en el extranjero en el marco del movimiento “Deportes para el Desarrollo y la Paz” (DDP). Basándose en entrevistas a excooperantes del programa Cuerpo de Líderes Deportivos Canadienses de los Juegos de la Mancomunidad en Canadá, este ensayo analiza lo que los cooperantes aportaron a y aprendieron de su experiencia internacional en el DDP. Los cooperantes afrontaron juicios de experiencia y privilegio y, en algunos casos, reflexionaron sobre los límites de la gestión basada en el desarrollo del Norte. Los cooperantes experimentaron la “culpabilidad del Primer Mundo”, que si bien provocó la autoreflexión, se hizo a costa de un compromiso más profundo contra la desigualdad y por la lucha a favor de la justicia en el desarrollo. En función de estos resultados, el ensayo formula recomendaciones para el apoyo a futuros voluntarios.     

‘Diplomatic Divergence: the Japanese and British Responses to Indonesia’s Confrontation of Malaysia 1963–1966’

While Indonesia’s policy of Confrontation towards Malaysia brought it into direct military conflict with Britain, this same event prompted Japan to pursue its first explicit postwar diplomatic initiative. Due to different strategic goals for the region, Britain and Japan’s approaches to Indonesian bellicosity were markedly different. Notably, while Britain took a hard-line stance with President Sukarno, Japan in contrast took a lenient approach eschewing economic and diplomatic isolation of Indonesia. With a latent warming in Anglo–Japanese ties beginning in this decade, this paper demonstrates that despite their antithetical approaches to this Southeast Asian crisis bilateral relations were not adversely affected.

---