Can school children reliably collect rural household data in developing countries? Evidence from Nepal

Household surveys are an important tool for assessing the status or trends of rural households, farms, and communities, and for conducting research. Conducting surveys in rural communities in developing countries is expensive and logistically challenging. We investigated whether primary school children could efficiently collect household or farm data as part of their homework. We hypothesised that primary school students can collect accurate data and therefore it should not be different from the data collected by trained interviewers. The results indicate that primary schools may be an excellent resource for efficiently collecting information about rural households and farm families in developing countries.     

Surveillance to Combat Terrorist Financing in Europe: Whose Liberty,Whose Security?

Abstract

This article analyses recent developments in the campaign to combat terrorist financing in Europe and questions the utility of financial surveillance as a method to counter terrorism. A background presentation of surveillance in modern society is followed by an overview of earlier international initiatives to interdict money laundering. The measures used to combat terrorist finance are built upon this foundation of surveillance and criminal investigation. Applying these measures in the ‘war on terror’ has unintended consequences for the financial transactions of citizens and non-citizens alike. The article concludes by considering these problems and their impact on society within the context of a larger concern for the impact to individual liberty from these surveillance practices in pursuit of security in the early twenty-first century.     

The security–development nexus and securitization in the EU's policies towards developing countries

This article assesses how and to what extent the European Union (EU) uses a security perspective to define and shape its relationship with the developing world. In order to evaluate the EU's development policy and its relations with developing countries we link the concept of ‘security–development nexus’ with the concept of ‘securitization’. The article examines whether securitization can be observed with regard to four dimensions: discourse, policy instruments, policy actions and institutional framework. The analysis demonstrates a securitization of the EU's development policy and its relations with developing countries, particularly in Africa. However, paradoxically, the securitization's extent and nature suggest that the EU can also use it as a way to avoid a more direct involvement in conflict areas.     

Whose legitimacy? The EU and Russia in contest for the eastern neighbourhood

The impact of external actors on political change in the European neighbourhood has mostly been examined through the prism of elite empowerment through externally offered incentives. The legitimacy of external policies has received less scrutiny, both with regard to liberal powers promoting democracy and illiberal powers preventing democracy. This article investigates the conflicting notions of legitimate political governance that underpin the contest between the European Union (EU) and Russia in the Eastern neighbourhood. It proposes four mechanisms of external soft influence that take into account the EU’s and Russia’s actorness and the structural power of their norms of political governance, and consider their effects on domestic actors and societal understandings of appropriate forms of political authority. It finally traces the EU’s and Russia’s soft influence on political governance in Ukraine. It maintains that through shaping the domestic understandings of legitimate political authority and reinforcing the domestic political competition, the EU and Russia have both left a durable imprint on Ukraine’s uneven political path.     

Whose House is this Anyway? IDP and Refugee Return in Post-Saddam Iraq

Although many people displaced by Saddam's regime over the yearslooked forward to returning as soon as the 2003 war ended, anumber of problems emerged which continued to bedevil the returnprocess as late as one year after the war. These problems includedan unclear political future for the country, competing politicaland sectarian forces that often view IDPs and refugees as strategictools or weapons, a hesitant and initially undecided Coalitionpolicy on the return issue, unclear mandates for the variousactors that could assist with returns, lack of funding, andmost importantly of all, an extremely poor security situationwhich has impeded or even blocked all progress on the returnissue. Nonetheless, because Iraq's Ba'athist dictatorship wasthe overwhelming cause of displacement in the country to beginwith, the future does hold some hope for Iraqi displaced persons.This paper examines the causes of return problems in Iraq andhow various authorities in post-Ba'athist Iraq are addressingthe return issue. Particularly around the contested city ofKirkuk, problems relating to the return issue risk ignitingethnic conflict and possibly even civil war in Iraq as a whole.The article examines the return issue for the period from March2003 to June 2004, focusing especially on northern Iraq andKirkuk. The research presented here is based on fieldwork conductedin Iraq by the author between September 2003 and May 2004. Theauthor went to Iraq independently, with the assistance of aCanadian Department of National Defence post-doctoral researchgrant. Interviews were conducted with US and Coalition ProvisionalAuthority officials, Iraqi Interim Government officials, KurdistanRegional Government officials, NGO workers, and IDPs themselvesduring visits to camps around Kirkuk and Baghdad.     

Less conflict,more peace? Understanding trends in conflict persistence

Persistent civil wars constitute a serious challenge to human security and have received growing attention in recent years. Yet our understanding of patterns of conflict persistence suffers from both the absence of clear definitions and measurements as well as a lack of attention to changes over time. As a result, the prevailing image of conflict persistence as an increasing threat does not adequately reflect reality. This in turn limits our ability to identify factors that favour or prevent persistence. The paper will highlight largely overlooked developments in intrastate conflict persistence over the last decades, showing that new conflicts appear to be shorter than before, while long duration and high recurrence rates are predominantly found in relatively small and peripheral conflicts. I argue that the major drivers of these patterns include changes in the nature and context of civil wars since the end of the Cold War, as well as changes in state capacity. The relationship between state capacity and conflict persistence, however, is ambivalent, and in some cases state strength appears to be a permissive factor of conflict persistence.     

Whose practice counts? Experiences in using indigenous health practices from Ethiopia and Uganda

There is considerable focus nowadays on the involvement of communities in planning their own projects. Much of this involvement is in the form of verbal communication whereby villagers inform development workers of their problems and how they propose to solve them. Drawing on experience from two projects in Uganda and Ethiopia, this article argues that the starting point for any project planning in a community context is the current practice of that community. It is argued that if one looks at the community's practice, beliefs, and knowledge, one has a firmer foundation on which to build a project.     

Are women self-help group members economically more empowered in left-run municipalities?

Who controls the income earned by members of women's self-help groups (SHG) from group activities – the women or their husbands? The answer indicates one dimension of the level of economic empowerment attained by SHG members. This paper examines whether identity of the person controlling the income earned depends upon the political party ruling the municipality where the SHG is situated. Two parties are considered – the Left Front, a coalition comprising of Leftist parties, and the Indian National Congress. This paper is based on a field study of 240 SHG members in six municipalities in West Bengal, India.

Les participants aux groupes d'entraide pour les femmes économiquement plus habilités dans les municipalités de gauche?

Qui contrôle les revenus tirés par les membres des groupes d'entraide de femmes (GEF) de leurs activités - les femmes ou leurs maris ? La réponse indique une dimension du degré d'autonomisation économique obtenu par les membres de GEF. Cet article traite de la question de savoir si l'identité de la personne qui contrôle les revenus gagnés dépend du parti politique qui régit la municipalité où se situe la GEF. Deux partis sont considérés – le Front de gauche, coalition composée des partis de gauche, et le Congrès national indien. Cet article se base sur une étude de terrain de 240 membres de GEF répartis sur six municipalités dans le Bengale-Occidental, en Inde.

¿Están los participantes en los grupos de autoayuda para las mujeres económicamente más empoderadas en los municipios de izquierda?

¿Quién controla los ingresos generados por las mujeres que participan en los grupos de autoayuda (GAA) a partir de actividades grupales: las mujeres o sus esposos? La respuesta dada a esta pregunta opera como indicador de una dimensión del grado de empoderamiento económico logrado por las integrantes de los GAA. Este artículo examina en qué medida el género de la persona que controla los ingresos depende del partido político que tenga el poder en los municipios donde existen los GAA. Para ello, se analizaron dos partidos: el Frente de Izquierda (“Left Front”), una coalición de partidos de izquierda, y el Congreso Nacional Indio (“Indian National Congress”). El artículo se basa en un estudio de campo realizado entre 240 integrantes de los GAA residentes en seis municipios de Bengal Occidental en India.

São membros de grupos de auto-ajuda para mulheres economicamente mais habilitadas na esquerda municípios?

Quem controla a renda ganha pelas participantes de grupos de mulheres que se auto-ajudam (Self-Help Groups - SHG) – as mulheres ou seus maridos? A resposta indica uma dimensão do nível do empoderamento econômico alcançado por membros dos SHGs. Este artigo examina se a identidade da pessoa que controla a renda recebida depende do grupo político que governa o município onde o SHG está situado. Dois grupos são examinados – a Frente Esquerda, que é uma coalizão formada por partidos da esquerda, e o Congresso Nacional Indiano. O artigo baseia-se em um estudo de campo com 240 membros de SHGs em seis municípios de Bengala Ocidental, Índia.     

Assessing the impact of EU governmentality in post-conflict countries: pacification or reconciliation?

European Union (EU) interventions in conflict countries tend to focus on governance reforms of political and economic frameworks instead of the geopolitical context or the underlying power asymmetries that fuel conflict. They follow a liberal pattern often associated with northern donors and the UN system more generally. The EU's approach diverges from prevalent governance paradigms mainly in its engagement with social, identity and socio-economic exclusion. This article examines the EU's ‘peace-as-governance’ model in Cyprus, Georgia, Palestine and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These cases indicate that a tense and contradictory strategic situation may arise from an insufficient redress of underlying conflict issues.     

Confronting earthquake risk in Japan—are private households underinsured?

Despite the fact that Japan is an earthquake-prone country and Japanese people are known to be highly risk averse, less than half of Japanese households are insured against earthquake risk. Based on a survey among experts in the field, the article gives an overview of earthquake insurance schemes and evaluates possible reasons for the relatively low level of insurance and ways for improvement. Experts agree that more insurance is desirable, but they share a less clear opinion about the causes and possible remedies. More research is warranted.     

Can oil-reliant countries democratize? An assessment of the role of civil society in Algeria

A cursory look around the world shows that few oil-reliant countries can be categorized as democracies, particularly those in the Middle East. In fact, many studies have suggested that oil wealth hinders democratization. The recent “Arab Spring” and subsequent political instability in oil-producing states such as Algeria, Egypt, Libya and Syria gives rise to questions regarding the prospects for democracy in these types of countries. This article provides an analysis of the possible role that civil society may play in democratization in oil-reliant states by looking at the case of Algeria. I argue that the seemingly meaningless and artificial acts of “liberalization” initiated by the Algerian government in the late 1980s, which initially allowed civic associations to form, have provided an opening for some civic associations to organize and oppose the government. This process of liberalization, regardless of how empty it may have seemed at first, has “opened floodgates” that now cannot be closed. Thus, the recent protests in Algeria, and continued opposition to the government, can be seen as directly facilitated by the government's prior liberalization and opening of the system to civic associations.     

Murder in Mexico: are journalists victims of general violence or targeted political violence?

Journalists in Mexico face hundreds of attacks each year, ranging from online harassment and physical intimidation to outright murder. The official narrative typically claims that murdered journalists are the victims of general criminal violence. This article finds that despite the rampant violence in Mexico, the murder of journalists cannot be attributed to the country’s general criminal violence problem alone. Instead, the evidence points to the targeting, and even political targeting of journalists. First, journalists are at a much higher risk of being murdered than the general population. Second, the divergence between homicide rates among the general population and among journalists varies considerably between Mexican states. While recent scholarship has shown that subnational governments can successfully remain authoritarian despite democratization at the central or federal level, this literature has largely ignored the use of political killings in subnational undemocratic regimes. This article attempts to understand the murder of journalists not just as a problem of criminal violence, but also of political violence, and thereby connects the findings to the existing scholarship on subnational authoritarianism.     

Japan's cautious new activism in the Middle East: a qualitative change or more of the same?

This article analyses Japanese policy towards the Middle Eastin the post-Cold War era. The article argues that Japanese policyhas begun to move beyond the reactive diplomacy of the ColdWar years. The focus of this new approach has been Japan's growingcontribution to ‘soft’ security in the region. However,Japan retains a tendency to focus on its narrow interests withoutfully taking into account the broader strategic consequencesof its policies. Yet, in order to protect its overall interestsin the region, Japan needs to recognize the diminishing utilityof this ‘free rider’ approach and adopt a more activerole regarding ‘hard’ security issues. Even allowingfor the domestic constraints on Japanese policy, there is muchJapan can do in this regard, especially in coordination withthe US.     

Positions on sexual and reproductive rights in Muslim-majority countries and institutions: a telling indication of things to come?

ABSTRACT

This article provides a policy analysis of Muslim-majority countries’ positions on sexual and reproductive rights (SRR). First-hand observations, interviews, and reports are used to review how statements around various intergovernmental moments continue to be formulated since the International Conference on Population and Development in 1994. The analysis outlines both the similarity and diversity between and among Muslim-majority countries on a range of SRR areas, while pointing out that positions are by no means unique to them. Rather, it is argued that opposition to SRR defines a terrain of “unholy alliances” between and among different religiously inspired nations, and ends by enquiring whether SRR may be an important political indicator of real politik.     

Exporting EU integrated border management beyond EU borders: modernization and institutional transformation in exchange for more mobility?

The external dimension of European Union (EU) border management cooperation has recently been developed, in particular through the promotion of integrated border management (IBM). The European Commission has been keen to foster IBM, an attempt to reach EU standards in the absence of an EU common border service. Integrated border management is regulated under the Treaty of Lisbon, and the Stockholm Programme calls for its further development. This article analyses and compares the policy instruments promoting IBM standards beyond EU borders, namely the European Agency for Operational Cooperation at the External Border of the Member States of the EU (FRONTEX) (with the signature of Working Arrangements with the border services of third countries) and the activity of the EU Border Assistance Mission to the Republic of Moldova and to Ukraine (EUBAM) at the Ukrainian–Moldovan border. Moreover, it provides an empirical account of IBM activity carried out in the Eastern Partnership and Russia, and explains the reasons underlying the lack of IBM promotion in the southern Mediterranean countries.     

The global financial crisis and self-help groups in rural India: are there lessons from their micro savings model?

The global financial crisis is envisaged to have impacted some Southern countries, including India, less severely than most countries in the North. India's expected economic growth of over nine per cent was brought down to just over five per cent. In the aftermath of the crisis, a positive growth figure itself sent optimistic signals. But in a country where nearly 80 per cent of the population – mostly in rural areas – lives on under US$2 a day with a high level of social and economic vulnerability, the effects of the crisis threaten to push many into deprivation. Yet, scattered evidence suggests the emergence of savings-led self-help groups for women amongst the poorest and socially excluded communities to overcome financial vulnerabilities. Grounded in participatory methods, the focal point this is the individual rural woman driving the well-being and the poverty agenda. The paper considers if there are lessons that can be drawn from this micro-level shift for the larger global crisis.

La crise financière mondiale et les groupes d'entraide en Inde rurale : y a-t-il des enseignements à tirer de leurs modèles de micro-épargne ?

On estime que la crise financière mondiale a eu un impact sur certains pays du Sud, y compris l'Inde, moins important que sur les pays de l'hémisphère Nord. La croissance économique prévue de l'Inde de plus de neuf pour cent a été réduite par la crise à juste un peu plus de cinq pour cent. Au lendemain de la crise, un chiffre de croissance positif a lui-même transmis des signaux optimistes. Mais dans un pays où presque 80 pour cent de la population – principalement en milieu rural – vit avec moins de 2 $ US par jour, avec un important degré de vulnérabilités sociales et économiques, les effets de la crise menacent de faire sombrer de nombreuses personnes dans l'indigence. Or, des données éparpillées suggèrent l'apparition de groupes d'entraide axés sur l'épargne pour les femmes parmi les communautés les plus pauvres et les plus socialement exclues pour leur permettre de surmonter leurs vulnérabilités financières. Avec comme socle les méthodes participatives, ces groupes ont comme axe le fait que ce sont les femmes rurales individuelles qui impulsent l'ordre du jour de la qualité de vie et de la pauvreté. Cet article demande s'il y a des enseignements à tirer de cette évolution au niveau micro pour la crise mondiale dans son ensemble.

La crisis financiera mundial y los grupos de autoayuda en la India rural: ¿existen aprendizajes de su modelo de microahorros?

Es comúnmente aceptado que la crisis financiera mundial ha tenido un impacto menos fuerte en algunos de los países del Sur como India que en la mayoría de los países del Norte. El crecimiento económico de más de 9% previsto para India se redujo a un poco más de 5%. El hecho de que tras la crisis la tasa de crecimiento haya sido positiva generó señales optimistas. Aún así, en un país donde casi 80% de la población – la mayoría residente en áreas rurales – vive con menos de usd 2 diarios y con un elevado nivel de vulnerabilidades socioeconómicas, los efectos de la crisis amenazaron con dejar a muchas personas en la penuria. Sin embargo, algunas investigaciones indican el surgimiento de grupos de autoayuda encabezados por mujeres y centrados en el ahorro, cuyo objetivo es enfrentar la vulnerabilidad financiera en las comunidades más pobres y socialmente marginadas. Utilizando métodos participativos, el centro de atención de este estudio es la mujer campesina que está impulsando los esfuerzos para lograr el bienestar y superar la pobreza. El artículo analiza la existencia de aprendizajes derivados de este cambio a nivel micro que pudieran ser aplicados a la crisis mundial más amplia.

A crise financeira global e grupos de auto-ajuda na Índia rural: há lições a serem tiradas de seu modelo de micropoupança?

Considera-se que a crise financeira global tenha tido impacto menos severo em alguns países do hemisfério sul, inclusive a Índia, do que na maioria dos países do hemisfério norte. A previsão de crescimento econômico da Índia de mais de nove por cento foi reduzida para apenas um pouco acima de cinco por cento. Na sequência da crise, um próprio dado positivo de crescimento enviou sinais otimistas. Mas em um país em que quase 80 por cento da população – a maioria em áreas rurais – vivem com menos de US$2 por dia, com um alto nível de vulnerabilidade social e econômica, os efeitos da crise ameaçam deixar muitos em situação de privação. Porém, evidências dispersas sugerem a emergência de grupos de auto-ajuda que visam poupar para que as mulheres que estão entre as comunidades mais pobres e socialmente excluídas superem as vulnerabilidades financeiras. Baseado em métodos participativos, o ponto de enfoque são as mulheres rurais individuais dirigindo a agenda sobre bem-estar e pobreza. O artigo avalia se existem lições que podem ser extraídas desta mudança de nível micro para a crise global mais geral.