市场逻辑和强盗逻辑

我上次去山西榆次，看到县古衙门有一幅对联，大概是这样的： 百善孝为先，原心不原迹，原迹贫门无孝子 万恶淫为首，论迹不论心，论心世上无完人 什么意思呢？善以心论，恶以行断。一个人是否是孝子，不能看这人给了父母多少钱、盖什么房子、买什么车，如果这样，穷孩子就没办法当孝子了。但判断一个人是不是恶人，不能看有没有恶的心，而要看有没有恶的行。     

人民城市的理论逻辑、历史逻辑与实践逻辑

“人民城市人民建,人民城市为人民”的人民城市理念,致力于“共建共治共享”的现代城市文明体建设,体现了城市人民性的根本属性,开创了人类社会城市化发展与繁荣的“人民城市论”新型理论范式的建构之路。人民性是人民城市论的本质特征,城市功能性的不断扩容将国家发展与人民幸福联结起来,推动城市性、人民性与国家性有机统一的人民城市理论体系的建构。在城市发展从有机体向生命体再向文明体的演变历程中,人民的主体性地位逐渐得到确立,人民城市成为展现社会主义现代化文明的世界窗口。新中国成立以来,超大特大城市在实现国家从工业化到现代化再到中华民族伟大复兴的进阶式战略目标过程中,努力建构回应人民需求、维护人民利益、实现人民价值和人民当家作主的人民城市。人民城市的建设与实践,既开辟了中国特色社会主义现代化城市的新型发展道路,又标志着人类社会城市理论新范式的建构与成长,对于构建人类城市文明共同体具有重大的理论、历史与实践意义。     

党性修养的历史逻辑、理论逻辑和实践逻辑

党性是党员干部立身、立业、立言、立德的基石,党性修养是党员本质的改造。加强党性修养贯穿中国共产党革命、建设和改革的整个历史进程,积累了丰富经验;加强党性修养的理论逻辑源于马克思主义建党学说,是马克思主义政党的本质属性要求;加强党性修养的实践逻辑主要来源于推进全面从严治党向纵深发展、保持党的先进性和纯洁性的实践指向。在中国共产党百年华诞的重大时刻,分析党性修养的历史逻辑、理论逻辑和实践逻辑,一以贯之加强党性修养,使得百年大党无惧风险挑战,永葆百年大党的朝气蓬勃。     

法律逻辑与大众逻辑之博弈

法律逻辑蕴涵了"法治"与"合法"的元叙事,建立在法律概念、知识、规则、原理等基础上,以法律为思考问题的出发点和归宿,呈现理性化、职业化和专业化的倾向。大众逻辑蕴涵了"民主"与"正当"的元叙事,反映普通人的日常生活经验与直观感受,涉及对利益的算计、对事物的非专业感受与情感波动,呈现情绪化、理想化和普泛化的倾向。法律逻辑与大众逻辑在现实中的博弈,一定程度上彰显了"法官法条主义"与"大众法律情怀"之间的区隔。法律与公平正义应是同构的,合法性只能说明法律上有限的理由,正当性则从人类更高的价值来说明法律存在、变化和发展的根据。法律作为使人类行为服从规则治理的事业,根本基础在于大众的愿望诉求,要关注和回应社会的需要,把大众权利作为构成社会关系和法律秩序的本位性要素,从而构建理念形态、制度形态和实践形态意义上的法治文明。     

习近平共同富裕思想的历史逻辑、理论逻辑和实践逻辑

习近平共同富裕思想具有深厚的历史逻辑、科学的理论逻辑和鲜明的实践逻辑。探析习近平共同富裕思想的历史逻辑和理论逻辑，可明确在新时代推进共同富裕的实践逻辑，以更好地促进实现共同富裕。习近平共同富裕思想的历史逻辑在于传承中华优秀传统文化、展示科学社会主义理论、赓续百年奋斗的初心使命、擘画新时代共同富裕的思想蓝图；习近平共同富裕思想的理论逻辑在于明确共同富裕的战略理念、强调人民至上的政治理念、开创共享共建的发展理念、注重精神富裕的价值理念；习近平共同富裕思想的实践逻辑在于坚持党的领导、建立长效体制机制、实现高质量发展、彰显中国共同富裕道路的世界价值，为21世纪马克思主义的辉煌兴盛和全人类的发展与进步作出重要贡献。     

应急管理制度化建构的理论逻辑、历史逻辑和实践逻辑

建立成熟、定型的应急管理制度是实现我国应急管理体系和能力现代化的必要举措。我国应急管理制度是富有中国特色、富含中国智慧的制度设计,其建构与完善的脉络呈现出理论逻辑、历史逻辑与实践逻辑相统一的理论样态。其中理论逻辑蕴含着应急管理制度的基本表征:基于马克思主义国家学说下的功能性与保障性;基于应急管理理论下的科学性与前瞻性;基于马克思主义政党理论下的人民性与发展性。历史逻辑反映了应急管理制度化建构的演进过程及规律:既植根于源远流长的中华优秀传统文化,又记录了新中国成立以来应急管理制度的探索历程,同时遵循了应急管理制度化演进规律。实践逻辑是对制度诉诸"实践"的现实观照,要想将现代化的应急管理从目标式的图景变成真实的样式,就必须从制度规范、制度运行和制度保障上,切实以制度威力应对重大突发事件的风险挑战。     

总体国家安全观的历史逻辑、理论逻辑和实践逻辑

<正>国家安全关乎国家兴衰、政权存亡、社会稳定。我们党历来重视国家安全，在社会主义革命、建设与改革开放时期形成了一系列维护国家安全的理论成果。进入新时代，面对世界形势的深刻变化和中国国家安全环境的严峻挑战，习近平总书记进一步丰富和发展了党和国家的安全思想，创造性地提出了总体国家安全观，为维护党和国家的长治久安指明了方向。深入学习贯彻总体国家安全观，     

阅读中的逻辑

在中学阶段应侧重培养学生的抽象思维能力，中学语文可以把逻辑训练的任务承担下来。本文主要从课文阅读的角度来谈在教学活动中如何有意识的训练和培养学生正确的抽象思维能力。     

社会整合的政治逻辑与效率逻辑

社会整合须符合一定的逻辑,实现最终整合的目标,一要符合政治的逻辑,即社会整合要考虑到社会政治集团的强弱对比与力量悬殊状况,要在一定程度上适合社会政治运转的现实需要与历史基础。二要符合效率的逻辑,即符合整体经济社会发展与大众生活水平的提升,效率的逻辑具有显性的标准,即经济增长率、社会文化发展水平、社会整体评价标准等。在很多情况下,社会整合的政治逻辑与效率逻辑可能是相辅相成、相得益彰的,但也有可能相互背离、冲突不断。最终的结果或者是政治的逻辑服从效率的逻辑,或者是效率的逻辑服从政治的逻辑,或者两者相互适应。随着政治参与的扩大和社会治理的复杂化程度加深,需要各种政治势力、利益团体、社会组织等具有理性选择的能力和手段,能够在社会稳定的框架内实现各自利益诉求的最大化,同时,尽可能把自身的利益建构在社会整体利益之上,在进行利益博弈、政治竞争的同时避免政治的纷争与社会的动荡。     

Toleration,neutrality, and freedom: a reply

ABSTRACT

In defending toleration against its many critics, Respecting Toleration has both conceptual and normative aims. Conceptually, I defend and explain the coherence of political toleration. This involves, in part, highlighting a distinction between two forms of toleration; one of which always involves objection, and one which does not. Normatively, I defend a particular understanding of toleration as the best way of accommodating contemporary diversity. In brief, the state should be guided by an active ideal of neutrality, and citizens must at minimum engage in forbearance tolerance with each others’ differences. In this paper, I respond to four main lines of criticism. The first is that my understanding of toleration – in which objection is not always necessary – is too broad, and that my non-moralised understanding of forbearance tolerance requires additional context. Second, my discussion of neutrality runs together the distinction between an active/passive state with a large/small state; wrongly fails to distinguish between mere preferences and deeply held beliefs; and is really a concern about equality. Third, my freedom-based justification for toleration is too limited; and may, in fact, enable recognition rather than resist it. Fourth, my rejection of inter-citizen respect for difference is too quick.     

Gender symptoms,or, peeing like a man

A number of books and articles have been published on the relative merits of queer vs gay and lesbian, on the collisions and coalitions of queer, lesbian and feminist, on queering this and that; more has been written on the meaning of queer, its shifting semantic boundaries, its radical inclusiveness or assimilationist tactics (depending on the point of view), its role in the postmodern global market's commodification of sexuality. This paper, a contribution to social semiotics, does not contribute to the debate on queer, but continues the critical project of rethinking sexuality and gender.     

Is a Fixer-Upper Actually a Downer? Homeownership,Gender, Work on the Home,and Subjective Well-being

This article investigates whether homeownership provides psychological benefits, particularly as mediated through the act of working on the dwelling. It examines whether work on the home potentially increases subjective well-being (SWB) for home occupants because such work improves the dwelling or because the work is fulfilling and promotes feelings of mastery and control. It also investigates whether homeowners are more likely to perform such work compared with renters. The article finds that homeownership is associated with somewhat elevated life satisfaction, but that homeowners tend to experience less intense positive affect than renters. Homeowners spend much more time working on the home than renters. Strong links between work on the home and life satisfaction are not found, but certain types of home work activities—such as interior or exterior decoration and repairs and yard work—tend to be experienced as psychologically meaningful. Gender also plays a role in the division of home labor and the psychological costs and benefits of homeownership and work on the home. Women are much more likely than men to clean the interiors of dwellings, an activity associated with poor affect. Men perform more of most of the other types of work on the home; in homeowning households these burdens tend to balance each other out, but in renting households there tends to be a dramatic disparity in terms of work on the home, raising concerns about gender inequity.     

Searching for a Cyprus Settlement: Considering Options for Creating a Federation, a Confederation, or Two Independent States

Greek and Turkish Cypriote have had a poor record in managingtheir political differences. The bicommunal government establishedat independence in 1960 at the behest of Greece and Turkey proveda failure after three years. Its collapse triggered communalviolence. No Cypriot government has represented both communitiessince then, and the partition on the island has hardened. Considerablethird-party mediation, spanning a few decades, has failed tofind a compromise settlement. Neither a federation nor a confederationappears to have reasonable prospects of success in view of thedeep mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. Moreover,it is doubtful whether European Union membership of Cyprus couldprovide a sufficient framework for resolving the island's enduringcommunal dispute. Consequently, the merits of a two-state solutiondeserve serious consideration.