第一次印度支那战争与美法关系的变化

在第一次印支战争期间,围绕着战争目标和各自利益问题,美法双边关系经历了一个发展演变的过程。在1949年以前,美国基本采取观望态度,法国独自作战：新中国成立后,美国逐步插手印支事务,对法实行经济军事援助,美法关系比较密切;1954年,随着战争结局的明朗,美国渐有取代法国之势,法国对美离心倾向日益明显。     

美国的印度裔移民--美国少数民族成功的典范

本文概述了美国印度裔移民的概况及其与祖籍国的社会文化、政治、经济联系,并在此基础上分析了美国印度裔移民对美印关系的影响.     

多元族群社会中的宗教认同:对吉隆坡一个穆斯林社区的田野研究

本文描述了吉隆坡第一座清真寺佳米寺及其周围区域伊斯兰文化的变迁过程和现状,审视了族群多元化与宗教认同的关系,分析了城市化、全球化和移民对社区的影响.历史悠久的佳米寺正由单一的马来人社区中心变为多族群临时的互动场所,其带有族群特色的伊斯兰文化发生涵化,外来移民的离散型社区成为他们融入马来社会的实体边界.在解释多元伊斯兰文化社会中的族群互动和文化共生时,应重视内附于伊斯兰教义中的团结精神,而不是多元文化主义政策的实施.     

20世纪犹太裔和华裔女性移民比较研究——基于对“犹太信札”和“黛安信箱”的分析

美国华裔和犹太裔移民是美国社会生活中两个重要族裔群体,他们在历史和当今社会的移民生活中表现特征虽有不同,但其相似处很多。本文运用同化理论,采用文本分析方法对比研究美国20世纪先后出现的反映犹太裔和华裔女性移民生活的答疑信件,并借此对20世纪美国的犹太裔和华裔女性移民群体进行分析。研究发现,尽管两个族裔的移民时间、种族特点不尽相同,但是华裔和犹太裔女性移民在美国文化融入过程中所遭受的多种经历和遇到的实际问题以及和原属国之间的多种联系有着诸多相似之处,其中,代际矛盾、身份认同、文化冲突和同化挑战尤为明显,这些问题也会在新移民的同化进程中出现。     

重建而非仅仅重启:对美关系中的俄罗斯利益

本文分析了近年来俄美关系迅速恶化并深陷危机的基本原因是:美国忽视俄罗斯重要的地缘战略利益;俄希望西方承认俄罗斯及其建立的安全体系;俄美对各自在世界体系中的作用有截然不同的看法.文章强调,奥巴马"重启"战略几乎没有涉及对俄罗斯具有头等意义的重要战略利益.俄美最主要的利益不在双边关系领域,而是在与第三国的关系方面.本文认为,俄美如不开展建设性合作,就无法落实各自的利益.因此,俄应建议美不是"重启",而是重新调整美俄关系,在两国根本利益和优先方面的基础上与俄做一笔"大交易".     

美国2006年中期选举及其对美内政外交的影响

本文从选举政治的角度,在对美国2006年中期选举的政治环境、选举的形势和特点进行分析的基础上,探讨民主党获胜的原因和选举结果对美内政外交的影响。文章认为,2006年中期选举是美国自1994年以来最重要的一次国会选举。民主党赢得全面选举胜利的主要原因,是多数选民对布什政府的伊拉克政策和共和党控制的国会接连出现的腐败丑闻的强烈不满,保守派对布什政府的开支和社会政策不满,拉美裔对共和党控制的众议院的移民政策不满而引起的对两党的支持发生异常变化所致。选举的结果对美国今后两年的政局和内政外交政策走向、对布什政府的国内政策议程具有一定的影响,但美国两大政党的基础选民及其结构、美国政治潮流和社会思潮的基本趋向没有改变。在布什剩余的任期内,美国的内政外交政策难以做出大的调整。     

论法国移民政策共和同化模式的历史、现状与发展

本文从法国移民政策共和同化模式的基本理念出发,梳理法国移民历史,探讨治理现状;同时基于现代族群理论,分析其局限性及原因;继而,进一步阐释新形势下马克龙政府对共和同化模式的两大基础“世俗化”与“平等”原则的重新解读;最后,文章将分析2018年至今法国《移民法》改革中共和同化模式的变化与发展趋势。通过观察和研究,我们发现法国移民政策逐渐从原来的单向统一模式转变成带有倾向性的开放性模式,法国政府对共和同化模式的态度是坚持、加强、改革和完善,在秉承法兰西传统价值观的前提下,建立一个全面与个性化相结合的移民政策体系。     

从社会结构视角看东南亚华人宗教信仰——以马来西亚华人宗教为例

华人宗教是东南亚华人文化的重要组成部分,其研究受到自身特性与研究范式的深刻影响.本文从社会结构的视角考察马来西亚华人宗教,分析了宗教与移民网络的关系、宗教作为文化内核在华人族群整合中的功能以及华人同土著民族的族群关系.     

印度华人的“阶序化”现象及其情感与文化认同

华人移民印度已有200多年的历史,但其在印度社会的发展并不理想。在传统印度教社会按照阶序原理统合和分割的社会形态下,印度教徒接纳并包容华人移民的存在,但同时倾向于将其固定于阶序链条底端,使之成为“事实上的种姓集团”,并以社会隔离的逻辑不与之通婚和交往。在这种情况下,印度华人也被“涵括”进印度教社会结构体系,成为阶序人社会中的一个特定角色,在阶序链条中有其特定的位置,且很难改变。在这种情况下,印度华人和印度教徒的族群边界被凸显和固化了,印度华人无法通过充分的社会交往融入印度教社会,亦难以通过信仰改宗实现新的印度教社会认同。因此,印度华人在形式上嵌入印度社会体系与秩序,在一定程度上接受了相应的身份与角色,借此获得了印度社会的合法成员资格,并进而形成了某种趋同的行为模式,如职业世袭、内婚和社会交往的界限等,这一心理与社会过程,可以看作华人在印度社会的“阶序化”过程。这既是华人面对印度社会主流文化传统造成的社会隔绝的一种反应,也是华人在印度社会文化传统和自身文化传统双重影响下的生存状态。不仅反映了华人基于生存需要的生存策略选择,也凸显了华人基于心理和情感需要的族群身份认同和文化认同特点。     

阿裔美国人的政治参与研究

阿裔美国人是美国这一民族"熔炉"中的一员,在美国族群政治生活中处于非常独特的地位.一个多世纪以来,阿裔美国人已经从最初的处于社会边缘的外来移民族群,演变为集中居住在大都市的殷实中产阶级.同时,阿裔美国人通过进行抗议政治、组织利益集团、影响选举与进行游说等多种途径参与美国政治生活并取得了一定的成效.但反恐战争和美国与伊斯兰世界关系的恶化,以及美国阿拉伯/穆斯林社团的边缘化,使得阿裔美国人政治参与的前景较为黯淡.     

Educational infrastructure created in conditions of social exclusion: ‘Kyrgyz clubs’ for migrant children in Moscow

ABSTRACT

This article demonstrates how social exclusion affects the strategies that migrants and their children experience vis-à-vis the preschool education system of the host society. We use the example of two private institutions established in Moscow by Kyrgyz migrants to explore their role in helping integrate migrant children into the host society. I examine the role the Kyrgyz community plays in the life of labour migrants in Moscow, and why private migrant infrastructure is created today by people from this particular country, though eventually migrants from other countries use it as well. I find that in recent years migrants have been creating private infrastructure in Russia as an alternative to the public one. It replaces state institutions for migrants that are not accessible to them. Migrants also view it as one of the channels for entering the Russian society and state institutions. These centres do not so much help migrants’ children escape social isolation as compensate for the lack of adjustment programmes in Russian schools.     

印尼爪哇与外岛资源分配的不公:民族关系视角的解读

苏哈托时期印尼的资源在爪哇族与外岛民族之间的分配,主要采取中央与地方财政分割的形式.其分配格局是:爪哇独占鳌头而外岛只分得残羹剩饭,它是主体民族与少数民族政治-文化不平等在经济领域的投影,反过来又深刻地影响着印尼的民族关系.本文将政治-文化与经济利益的纠结,作为探索资源分配与民族关系互动的切入点,并试图循此路径使问题的分析达到一个新的境界.     

‘I came naïve from the village’: on Palestinian urbanism and ruralism in Haifa under the British Mandate

ABSTRACT

During the Mandate period (1920–1948), Haifa attracted thousands of Palestinian rural migrants, who constituted a significant portion of its Arab population. The article examines the experience of rural migrants in urban life and the influence of this social group on urban society. I argue that rural migrants contributed to Haifa’s economic development, participated in political and cultural activity and formed a connecting link between the city and their villages of origin. Rural migrants played a significant role as agents of change in Palestinian society, owing to the conjunction of rural and urban characteristics in their daily life. To demonstrate this, I focus on three arenas of their agency: the labour market, civil society and militias during the Arab Revolt. Their involvement in civil associations and in the Arab Revolt was central to their construction of modernity, and they disseminated it in widening circles in their villages of origin and among their acquaintances in the city.     

Nexus of armed conflicts and migrations to the Gulf: migrations to the GCC from war-torn source countries in Asia,Africa and the Arab neighbourhood

Majority of temporary labour migrants in the Gulf originate in countries that are not involved in devastating armed conflicts. Migrations from conflict-ridden countries to the Gulf are not negligible, however, and they have been growing in the last decades. The overview of migrations from the major refugee-producing countries suggests that we may distinguish between different categories of mixed migrations; inter alia, migrants who migrated to the Gulf prior to, during and after the armed conflicts in their home countries. We argue that these migrations happened in parallel with the tremendous economic growth that the Gulf countries have experienced in the last decades. Of note, however, is that they also coincide with escalations of armed conflicts in several sending countries, which may indicate that some of these migrations are also the result of war- or security-related push forces. We also contend that the dynamics of migrations from countries in conflict may in addition be related to the foreign policies of the Gulf countries, which are often closely related to their treatment of different migrant groups.     

Migrants and their families in the home country: a bi-directional influence on voting behaviour

ABSTRACT

The voting behaviour of migrants has been studied extensively but limited attention has been paid to how the discussion with families in the home country can be important. This article analyzes under what circumstances migrants influence or are influenced by their families in voting decisions. The analysis uses individual-level data from a survey conducted in 2018 on a sample of 1,839 Romanian migrants. The results indicate that most migrants are not engaged in acts of persuasion about voting. Those who influence their families have a direct interest in the election results, are informed about what happens in the country and are politically active. The migrants who are influenced by their families have limited experience in the countries of residence and strong ties to their home country.     

从中国妇女受辱案看马来西亚华文报的历史责任

本文以中国女子受辱事件为观察对象,论述了马来西亚华文报纸的特点与功能,指出它们具有高度的新闻职业精神、履行华人喉舌职能、维护华人权益和帮助政府改善施政等特点。     

Can smartphones empower labour migrants? The case of Kyrgyzstani migrants in Russia

ABSTRACT

In the last two decades, mobile phones and new technologies have transformed migration. Some scholars argue that they help empower migrants, who are otherwise often marginalized in their host country. We discuss the extent to which this is true for Kyrgyz labour migrants in Russia, a relatively large diaspora that suffers from multiple levels of disempowerment, ranging from precarious living and working conditions to a lack of legal support and representation from their home government. Relying on fieldwork conducted in Kyrgyzstan in 2017 and 2018, we explore the extent to which smartphones are enabling Kyrgyz labour migrants in Russia to be informed about migration rules, help each other abroad, connect as a diaspora, and discuss important diaspora topics. Our findings are relevant beyond academia, as many international and governmental agencies are trying to assist migrants through technology; they also point to several missed opportunities for these organizations.     

论晚清政府对东南亚华侨的保护政策

1860年以后,清政府对东南亚华侨开始实施全面的保护政策,并采取了在华侨居住国设立使领馆、与有关国家签订双边条约及规定等措施。清政府之所以采取这种政策,其主要原因在于当时国际国内形势的变化。这种政策的实施,在一定程度上保护了东南亚华侨的利益,应予肯定。     

试论印尼华人文化

本文运用文化哲学原理,以印尼华人文化为研究对象,通过对其本体的解析、时空的察析及其运动态势的审视认为,印尼华人文化是一种构成多元、部类层叠的复合文化,是一种处在不断“当地化”又坚持“中华化”、对立统一运动的移民文化;印尼华人文化既有别于在印尼的异族文化,又不同于中华文化,是“移居”印尼的中华文化与在印尼的异族文化综合融合的结晶,是印尼华人的族群标识,是一种相对独立的民族(部族)文化,即华人“部族”文化;印尼华人文化复合了大量的中华文化和非中华文化要素,与生俱来就是中华文化与在印尼的各异族文化进行对话交流的重要中介,是印尼华人、印尼各民族(部族)的共同财富,是中国发展与印尼的友好关系、睦邻善邻友邻、构建和谐亚洲和世界的重要资源,是21世纪中国和平崛起的的宝贵资源。     

Las fuerzas tras la migración global

Movements of people are a crucial element of global integration. Most destination countries favor the entry of highly skilled migrants, but restrict that of lower-skilled workers, asylum seekers and refugees. A major cause of migration is the growing inequality in incomes and human security between more- and less-developed countries. Further driving factors include uneven economic development; rapid demographic transitions; and technological advances in transport and communications. Increasingly, migrants do not shift their social existence from one society to another, but maintain transnational connections. The global economic crisis that began in 2008 has brought a hiatus in some of these factors, but has not undermined their long-term significance. Australia's traditional model of permanent-settlement migration needs to be adjusted to the new realities of global mobility and connectivity.